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SECTIONALISM 


AND 


SOME  OF  ITS  FRUITS. 


BY 


BENJAMIN  F.  GRADY, 

Professor  of  Mathematics  and  the  Natural  Sciences 
in  Austin  College  (Huntsville),  Texas,  1859-61; 

1st  Sergeant  Co.  K  25th  Texas  (Dismounted)  Cavalry, 

Confed.  Army,  1862-5 ; 

Member  of  Congress,  1891-5  ; 

Author  of  "The  Case  of  the  South  against  the  North" 

and  of  "The  South'"  s  Burden." 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 
Price,  Postpaid,  25  Cents. 


goldsboro,  n.  c. 
nash  bros.,  printers  and  binders, 

1909. 


SECTIONALISM 


AND 


SOME  OF  ITS  FRUITS. 


BY 

BENJAMIN  F.  GRADY, 

Professor  of  Mathematics  and  the  Natural  Sciences 
in  Austin  College  (Huntsville),  Texas,  1859-61; 

1st  Sergeant  Co.  K  25th  Texas  (Dismounted)  Cavalry, 

Confed.  Army,  1862-5 ; 

Member  of  Congress,  1891-5; 

Author  of  "The  Case  of  the  South  against  the  North"' 
and  of  "The  South's  Burden/' 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 
Price,  Postpaid,  25  Cents. 


goldsboro,  n.  c. 
nash  bros.,  printers  and  binders, 

1909. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2013 


http://archive.org/details/sectionalismsomeOOgrad 


'Truth  would  you  teach,  or  save  a  sinking  land, 
All  fear,  none  aid  you,  and  few  understand." 


SECTIONALISM  AND  SOME  OE  ITS  FRUITS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

There  is  a  growing  disposition  all  over  the  South  to  forget  the 
past,  to  treat  the  long  quarrel  between  the  sections  as  ancient 
history,  and  teach  our  children  to  think  of  all  the  States  in  the 
Union  with  equal  respect  and  patriotic  pride;  and  no  one  can 
more  heartily  sympathize  with  this  tendency  than  I  could  if  it 
did  not  carry  with  it  an  acceptance  of  the  North's  explanation 
of  sectional  unfriendliness  in  this  country.  To  this  I  can  never 
consent ;  and  I  propose  in  this  pamphlet  to  set  forth  the  evi- 
dence on  which  all  unbiased  readers  can  decide  for  themselves 
who  was  responsible  for  our  sectional  antagonism. 

I  have  entered  upon  no  easy  task.  Up  to  1861  all  our  text- 
books were  written  by  Northerners  ;  since  the  war  the  few  South- 
ern authors  have  gone  to  these  Northern  books  instead  of  orig- 
inal records,  for  information  on  historical  and  political  sub- 
jects ;  and  during  the  last  forty  years  Northern  text-books,  mag- 
azines, newspapers  and  teachers  have  been  preparing  the  'post- 
bellum  sons  and  daughters  of  the  South  to  accept  doctrines  un- 
supported by  trustworthy  foundations.  There  is,  too,  a  de- 
plorable gap  in  the  history  of  this  country,  as  it  has  been  read 
by  all  generations  of  our  people;  very  little  has  ever  been  said 
about  "The  Articles  of  Confederation"  and  the  acts  of  "The 
United  States  in  Congress  Assembled".  Indeed,  that  Congress  is 
passed  over  in  silence  in  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  in  the 
several  volumes  written  by  John  Fiske,  in  the  famous  speeches 
of  Daniel  Webster,  in  the  "Speakers"  Northern  publishing 
houses  have  been  for  a  century  furnishing  to  our  school-boy 
orators,  &c. ;  and  all  the  bodies  which  met  from  July  4,  1776, 
to  March  4,  1789,  have  been  called  "The  Continental  Congress." 
And  I  cannot  avoid  the  suspicion  that  there  was  a  purpose  in 
this ;  the  second  one  of  "The  Articles  of  Confederation"  de- 
clared that  "each  State  retained  its  sovereignty,  freedom  and 
independence" ;  and  the  difficulty  of  explaining  how  a  State 
could  "retain"  what  it  did  not  possess  had  to  be  disposed  of ! 

But  this  is  not  the  only  difficulty  confronting  us ;  no  exhaust- 


ive  and  truthful  story  of  the  Revolutionary  War  and  of  the  con- 
duct and  sacrifices  of  the  two  sections  has  been  preserved;  and, 
as  ex-President  John  Adams  wrote  to  the  editor  of  Giles's 
Register,  January  3,  1817,  "nothing  hut  misrepresentations,  or 
partial  accounts  of  it,  will  ever  be  recovered." 

Feeling  keenly  the  importance  of  clearing  away  the  perver- 
sions of  truth,  the  misrepresentations  of  sectional  differences 
and  the  suppressions  of  vital  facts,  so  as  to  discover  the  real 
bone  of  contention  between  the  sections,  I  began  twenty  years 
ago  to  gather  up  the  records  which  have  been  practically  buried 
out  of  the  people's  sight  in  unwerldy  volumes  or  in  obscure 
corners  of  libraries ;  and  the  farther  I  have  searched,  the  more 
I  have  been,  convinced  that  at  no  period  since  July  4,  1776,  has 
the  South  been  guilty  of  real  or  attempted  injustice  to  the 
North.  The  evidence  on  this  point  was  clear  enough  eleven 
years  ago  when  my  "Case  of  the  South  against  the  North"  was 
published ;  but  continued  research  has  added  so  much  corrobor- 
ating testimony  that  I  am  constrained  to  lay  it  before  my  read- 
ers, even  at  the  risk  of  being  charged  with  a  desire  to  reopen 
old  sectional  wounds. 

While  doing  this,  I  deem  it  important  to  condense  as  much  as 
I  can ;  and  for  this  reason  I  will  inform  the  reader  that,  with 
exceptions  mostly  noted  in  the  text,  I  am  chiefly  indebted  to 
Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  the  Journal  of  William  Maclay 
(one  of  Pennsylvania's  first  Senators),  Bancroft's  History  of 
the  United  States,  Mathew  Carey's  Olive  Branch,  Kettell's 
Southern  Wealth  and  Northern  Profits,  Gales  and  Seaton's  An- 
nals of  Congress,  Rice's  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
Richardson's  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  Benton's 
Thirty  Years'  View,  North  Carolina  Colonial  Records,  Davis's 
Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government,  Elliot's  Debates, 
The  Federalist,  The  Statesman's  Manual,  Moore's  Notes  on  the 
History  of  Slavery  in  Massachusetts,  Ewing's  Northern  Rebel- 
lion and  Southern  Secession,  Irving's  Life  of  Washington,  Ban- 
croft's Life  of  William  H.  Seward,  Alden's  Manifold  Cyclo- 
paedia, the  Congressional  Globe,  American  Military  Biography, 
:and  Reports  of  Executive  Departments. 

B.  F.  Grady. 

Clinton,  N  C,  June,  1909. 


CHAPTEK  L 

The  Peoples  of  the  Two  Sections^ 
new  engl  anders. 

According  to  Macaulay,  Hume  and  other  English  Historians, 
the  Puritans  of  England,  up  to  the  time  of  the  restoration  of 
the  Stuarts,  "looked  upon  their  enemies  as  Amalekites,  Philis- 
tines, and  idolaters,  whom  they,  as  God's  chosen  people,  were 
commissioned  to  punish  and  overthrow" ;  and  according  to  the 
records  which  have  been  preserved  by  the  "ancient  writers"  of 
ISTew  England,  as  they  are  called  in  C.  B.  Taylor's  History  of 
the  United  States,  those  who  came  over  to  Plymouth,  "safely 
housed  in  the  ark  which  God  in  His  providence  had  directed 
them  to  prepare",  to  take  possession  of  the  new  home  which 
God,  by  "a  desolating  plague"  sent  among  the  Indians  three 
years  before,  had  made  ready  for  "the  consecrated  cargo"  of  the 
Mayflower,  brought  their  commission  with  them ;  and  from  that 
day  to  this  they  have  never  lost  sight  of  that  duty  which  in  the 
early  days  required  them  to  burn  witches,  bore  holes  in  the 
tongues  of  quakers,  and  to  expel  from  the  land  which  they  had 
received  "as  an  inheritance"  every  person  who  dared  to  have 
opinions  of  his  own ;  and  in  later  days  bound  them  to  regulate 
the  affairs  of  other  people  and  to  dictate  manners  and  morals 
to  Southerners.  This  duty,  although  not  formally  set  forth  in 
the  writings  of  their  distinguished  scholars,  lurks  as  an  infer- 
ence in  all  their  discussions  of  sectional  questions;  and,  if  the 
reader  entertains  any  doubt  about  this  assertion,  let  him  read 
what  Professor  Prescott  of  Harvard  University  said  in  a  letter 
to  Governor  Aycock  in  1901,  while  complimenting  him  for  the 
sentiments  expressed  in  his  inaugural  address.  Referring  to  the 
supervising  obligations  of  ISTew  Englanders,  he  said  that  they 
"have  not  been  able  to  feel  that  they  could  trust  the  purposes 
and  the  candor  of  the  people  of  the  South." 


SOUTHERNERS. 

Instead  of  being  settled  by  what  Bancroft  calls  the  "homogen- 
eous and  compact  population  of  the  Northeast",  the  Southern 
Colonies  became  the  homes  of  emigrants  from  England,  Scot- 
land, Ireland,  France,  Germany,  Switzerland,  Moravia  and 
other  countries  where  the  regulations  of  Church  or  State  ren- 
dered life  disagreeable.  Some  were  Catholics,  some  were  Prot- 
stants,  and  a  few  were  Jews;  and  among  the  Protestants  were- 


representatives  of  all  the  prominent  sects  into  which  Christians 
were  then  divided. 

The  travels  of  these  people  and  their  interminglings  with 
strangers  and  with  each  other  led  to  broader  conceptions  of  the 
rights  and  duties  of  man  and  to  that  tolerance  of  dissenting 
opinions  which  made  the  Southerners  the  pioneers  in  the  move- 
ment to  divorce  Church  and  State  and  to  maintain  that  "all 
just  government  rests  on  the  consent  of  the  governed".  It  was 
of  the  descendants  of  these  people  that  the  late  Senator  George 
F.  Hoar,  of  Massachustts,  said  not  long  before  his  death :  "They 
are  a  noble  race." 


CHAPTER  II. 

Sectional  Differences. 

1.  Although  he  admitted  the  claims  of  the  Puritans  that  New 
England  was  their  "inheritance"  and  that  they  were  the  special 
favorites  of  the  Almighty,  when  he  conies  to  what  Irving  calls 
their  "most  sanguinary  atrocities"  in  their  wars  with  the  In- 
dians and  especially  to  that  appallingly  brutal  attack  on  the 
Narragansetts,  in  1675,  Taylor,  writing  in  1830,  says:  "Even 
at  this  distant  period,  we  cannot  recall  this  scene  without  pain." 
And  Lawson,  in  his  History  of  North  Carolina  (written  about 
1707)  says  that  he  was  convinced  from  what  he  had  learned  of 
these  Indian  wars,  that  "they  were  occasioned  by  the  unjust 
dealings  of  the  Christians  towards  the  Indians". 

2.  In  Knickerbocker's  History  of  New  York,  Irving  tells  how 
the  "knowing  men  of  the  East"  counterfeited  the  local  cur- 
rency of  New  Amsterdam,  and  cheated  the  Dutch  out  of  their 
"silver  and  gold,  the  Dutch  herrings,  and  Dutch  cheeses." 

'3.  The  commercial  regulations  of  England  required  the  East 
India  Company  to  carry  all  their  tea  to  England  and  pay  an 
import  tax  of  twelve  pence  (nearly  25  cents)  per  pound  before 
exporting  it  to  the  North  American  Colonies,  so  that  the  tax 
actually  paid  in  these  Colonies  was  nearly  30  cents  per  pound. 
This  was  a  heavy  tax  and  to  avoid  it  New  England  shippers 
smuggled  from  Holland  about  all  the  tea  consumed  in  America. 

Much  friction  resulted;  and  to  favor  the  East  India  Com- 
pany and  at  the  same  time  break  up  the  smuggling,  the  law  was 
changed  so  that  that  Company  was  permitted  to  ship  their  tea 
directly  from  the  East  to  these  Colonies,  without  paying  the 
twelve  pence ;  so  that  their  tea,  taxed  only  three  pence  per  pound, 
could  be  sold  at  a  price  far  below  what  the  smugglers  could  af- 
ford to   accept.     Naturally   enough   this   brought    on   a   bitter 


struggle  between  the  British  authorities  and  the  shippers  of 
M"ew  England,  leading  inevitably  to  that  war  in  which  as  the 
late  Senator  George  Frisbie  Hoar  declared,  "the  Southern  Colo- 
nies had  not  the  slightest  particle  of  personal  interest." — See 
Montgomery's  "American  History". 

4.  Soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, a  movement  was  made  for  a  formal  union  of  the  States ; 
and  when  a  draft  of  a  Constitution  was  under  discussion,  Ed- 
ward Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  objected  to  one  of  the  pro- 
visions because  he  "dreaded  the  low  cunning"  of  the  people  of 
the  Eastern  States.  He  said  privately:  "If  the  plan  now 
proposed  should  be  adopted  nothing  less  than  ruin  to  some 
colonies  will  be  the  consequence.  *  *  *  These  colonies  must 
be  subject  to  the  government  of  the  eastern  provinces.  *  *  * 
I  dread  their  low  cunning". 

5.  In  November,  1775,  after  General  Washington  had  been 
some  months  in  command  of  the  New  England  troops  at  Bos- 
ton, he  became  disgusted  with  them.  He  wrote :  "Such  a  mer- 
cenary spirit  pervades  the  whole  that  I  should  not  be  surprised 
at  any  disaster  that  may  happen.  *  *  *  Could  I  have  fore- 
seen what  I  have  experienced  and  am  likely  to  experience,  no 
consideration  upon  earth  should  have  induced  me  to  accept  this 
command." 

6.  In  December  1775,  John  Adams,  a  member  of  the  Marine 
Committee  in  the  Continental  Congress,  opposed  the  appoint- 
ment of  John  Paul  Jones  to  a  captaincy  in  the  navy,  whose  elec- 
tion Joseph  Hewes  was  advocating.  Afterwards  Hewes  wrote : 
"The  attitude  of  Mr.  Adams  was  in  keeping  with  the  always  im- 
perious and  often  arrogant  tone  of  the  Massachusetts  people  at 
that  time." 

7. -"While,  in  the  autumn  of  1775,  the  Continental  Congress 
and  all  patriots  were  anxiously  laboring  to  secure  the  sympathy 
and  co-operation  of  the  people  of  Canada,  and  Gen.  Washing- 
ton sent  Arnold  to  Quebec  with  "addresses"  to  be  distributed 
among  the  people  "to  conciliate  their  affections",  directing  him, 
too,  to  be  careful  to  "check  any  attempt  to  plunder",  he  fitted 
out  two  armed  vessels  and  directed  them  to  cruise  in  the  Saint 
Lawrence  River  and  capture  any  British  transports  which  might- 
be  found  carrying  supplies  to  the  British  forces  at  Quebec. 
"But  failing  to  intercept  the  brigantines,  they  landed  at  Saint 
John's,  plundered  the  house  of  the  Governor  and  several  private 
dwellings,  and  brought  off  three  of  the  principal  inhabitants  as 
prisoners,  one  of  whom,  Mr.  Callbeck,  was  president  of  the 
Council,  and  acted  as  Governor". 

8.  On  November  11,  1775,  a  Boston  privateer,  the  Eagle,  be- 
longing to  Elijah  Freeman  Paine,  captured  and  carried  off  the 
brigantine  Joseph  which  belonged  to  Hewes  (Joseph)  and  Smith 


(Robert),  merchants  of  Edenton,  North  Carolina,  as  she  was 
returning  home  with  a  valuable  cargo,  including  3,000  bushels  of 
salt ;  and  if  we  make  no  mistake  in  interpreting  the  meaning  of 
acts  passed  by  the  legislature  of  North  Carolina  in  1779,  1792 
and  1800,  New  England's  shippers  frequently  stole  and  carried 
off  from  North  Carolina's  coast  slaves,  free  negroes  and  mulat- 
toes.  The  act  of  1779,  to  which  the  others  were  supplementary 
or  amendatory,  imposed  the  penalty  of  "death  without  benefit 
of  Clergy"  on  any  "person  or  persons  who  shall  hereafter  steal, 
or  shall  by  violence,  seduction  or  any  other  means,  take  or  con- 
vey away  any  slave,"  &c. 

9.  In  November,  1775,  while  general  Richard  Montgomery 
was  beseiging  Fort  Saint  John,  he  was  continually  thwarted  in 
his  plans  by  his  Connecticut,  New  York  and  New  Hampshire 
troops ;  and  he  wrote :  "Were  I  not  afraid  the  example  would  be 
generally  followed,  and  that  the  public  service  might  suffer,  I 
would  not  stay  an  hour  at  the  head  of  troops  whose  operations 
I  cannot  direct.  I  must  say  I  have  no  hope  of  success,  unless 
from  the  garrison's  wanting  provisions". 

10.  General  Philip  Schuyler,  who  was  co-operating  with  Gen- 
eral Montgomery  in  the  Canadian  expedition,  was  so  disgusted 
with  his  troops  that  he  determined  to  retire  from  the  service,  in- 
forming the  Continental  Congress  of  his  intention ;  but  tht  en- 
treaties of  that  body  and  particularly  of  General  Washington 
induced  him  to  change  his  plans. 

11.  After  Gen.  Washington  had  been  in  command  of  the  New 
England  troops  nearly  eight  months,  and  had  labored  to  perfect 
plans  to  attack  the  British  troops  in  Boston,  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity offered  itself  about  the  middle  of  February,  1776,  "when 
the  Bay  became  sufficiently  frozen  for  the  transportation  of 
troops."  He  then  summoned  a  council  of  war  and  proposed 
that  an  attack  be  made  on  the  enemy;  but  his  officers  objected 
to  the  movement.  In  a  letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  his  Military  Sec- 
retary, he  said :  "But  behold,  though  we  had  been  waiting  all  the 
year  for  this  favorable  event,  the  enterprise  was  thought  too 
dangerous". 

12.  In  November,  1776,  the  British  brigantine  Active,  loaded 
with  clothing  for  Gen.  Burgoyne's  army,  was  captured  off  the 
coast  of  Cape  Breton  by  the  Alfred,  commanded  by  Capt.  John 
Paul  Jones.  He  appointed  "Lieutenant  Spooner"  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  prize,  to  proceed  with  all  haste  to  Edenton,  North 
Carolina,  and  deliver  her  to  "Robert  Smith,  Esquire,"  who  was 
the  partner  of  Joseph  Hewes,  through  whose  influence,  being  a 
member  of  the  Marine  Committee  in  the  Continental  Congress. 
Jones  had  been  appointed  Senior  First  Lieutenant  in  the  navy. 
But   "Lieutenant   Spooner"   carried  the    prize    to    Dartmouth,. 


9 

Massachusetts,  and  delivered  it  to  his  brother,  who  was  prize 
agent. 

13.  During  Washington's  struggles  with  the  British  on  Long 
Island  and  in  the  city  of  New  York  more  than  four  thousand 
New  England  militia  deserted,  and  carried  their  ammunition 
home  with  them — "a  serious  loss,"  Irving  says,  "at  this  critical 
juncture." 

14.  After  the  defeat  of  Col.  Baum's  Germans  and  Indians  at 
Bennington  Aug.  16,  1777,  Gen.  Stark's  eight  hundred  militia, 
"flushed  with  the  success  of  the  day,  abandoned  the  pursuit,  and 
gave  themselves  up  to  plunder." 

15.  Bancroft  says  that  the  tendency  to  a  formal  Union  was 
weakening  in  November,  1777,  and  among  the  reasons  he  in- 
cludes "opposing  interests"  and  "fears  on  the  part  of  the  South 
of  the  more  homogenous  and  compact  population  of  the  North- 
east." 

16.  In  Bancroft's  "American  Revolution,"  volume  III,  it  ap- 
pears that  after  Washington's  experiences  with  New  England 
troops  led  him  to  complain  of  "the  unfitness"  of  some  of  his 
general  officers  and  to  regret  that  he  had  accepted  the  office  of 
Coniniander-in-Qhief,  the  New  England  members  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress  began  to  oppose  all  his  recommendations  and 
to  subject  him  to  the  humiliation  of  treating  Gates  as  his  su- 
perior. They  forced  on  him  staff  officers  who  were  objection- 
able to  him;  and  their  sectional  blindness  led  to  a  turn  in  af- 
fairs which  has  been  carefully  left  out  of  most  of  the  books 
which  have  dealt  with  the  Revolution — the  treason  of  Arnold. 
Referring  to  the  appointment  of  five  major-generals  in  1777, 
Bancroft  says :  "In  the  appointment  of  general  officers  Congress 
gave  little  heed  to  Washington.  In  his  opinion,  there  was  not 
in  the  army  a  'more  active,  more  spirited,  and  more  sensible 
officer'  than  Arnold,  the  oldest  brigadier ;  but  in  the  promotions 
he  was  passed  over,  on  the  pretext  that  Connecticut  had  al- 
ready two  major-generals.  The  slight  rankled  in  Arnold's 
breast ;  to  Washington  he  complained  of  the  wound  to  his  'nice 
feelings' ;  to  Gates  he  wrote  : 

'By  heavens !  I  am  a  villian  if  I  seek  not 
A  brave  revenge  for  injured  honor.'  " 

17.  On  June  28,  1778,  while  the  Continental  Congress  was  en- 
deavoring to  agree  upon  the  provisions  of  their  proposed  ar- 
ticles of  Confederation,  the  Delegates  from  Massachusetts 
moved,  "on  behalf  of  their  State",  that  the  sixth  section  of  the 
ninth  Article  "be  reconsidered  so  far  as  it  makes  the  assent  of 
nine  States  necessary  to  exercise  the  powers  with  which  Con- 
gress  was  thereby  invested".      That  is  to   say,   Massachusetts 


10 

wished  to  empower  less  than  nine  States  to  "grant  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal  in  time  of  peace",  to  "enter  into  treaties 
or  alliances",  to  "appropriate  money",  to  "agree  upon  the  num- 
ber of  vessels  of  war  to  he  built  or  purchased",  and  to  agree 
upon  the  number  of  "sea  forces  to  be  raised". 

But,  being  afraid  of  the  ship-building  and  the  commercial 
classes  of  Massachusetts,  the  Congress  rejected  the  motion. 

18.  In  Dr.  James  Thacher's  "Military  Journal  of  the  Revo- 
lution", in  "Memoirs  of  Major  General  Heath",  in  Justin  "Win- 
sor's  "Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America",  and  in  nu- 
merous other  works  which  can  be  found  in  the  Congressional  Li- 
brary, we  have  an  account  of  military  movements  during  the 
Revolution  which  are  not  even  referred  to  in  the  books  our  peo- 
ple have  been  reading  for  a  century.  Here  is  a  brief  outline  of 
them : 

In  June,  1779,  the  British  established  a  military  post  at  Cas- 
tine,  a  village  near  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot  river,  and  about 
nine  miles  east  of  Belfast,  sending  there  from  Halifax  about  one 
thousand  men  and  several  armed  vessels.  The  General  Court 
of  Massachusetts  planned  an  expedition  to  drive  them  away; 
and  such  was  their  confidence  in  the  movement  that  they  con- 
sulted no  experienced  military  officer,  nor  desired  the  assistance 
of  any  Continental  troops,  thus  reserving  for  their  State  the 
honors  of  success ;  and  to  arouse  enthusiasm  among  the  people, 
they  promised  that  whatever  military  stores  or  vessels  should 
be  captured  should  belong  exclusively  to  the  captors.  They 
drafted  fifteen  hundred  militiamen,  whom  they  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Solomon  Lovell.  They  equipped  eigh- 
teen State  and  private  ships,  and  hired  twenty  transports,  hav- 
ing previously  passed  an  act  forbidding  any  vessel  to  leave  a 
Massachusetts  port  under  forty  days ;  and  they  obtained  of  the 
Continental  Congress  a  loan  of  the  frigate  Warren  which  was 
commanded  by  Captain  Saltonstal,  a  New  Englander.  This  of- 
ficer was  given  the  command  of  the  fleet. 

The  expedition  started  on  its  mission  about  July  20,  and 
reached  its  destination  on  the  24th.  On  the  25th  they  com- 
menced cannonading  the  ships  and  the  batteries  of  the  British, 
and  kept  up  a  cowardly  fight  till  August  12th,  when  some  Brit- 
ish warships  went  up  from  New  York,  and  caused  the  destruc- 
tion of  all  the  vessels,  a  loss  to  the  State  valued  by  one  writer 
at  $7,000,000. 

Thereupon,  for  the  purpose  of  making  this  a  "Continental 
debt",  a  Committee  was  appointed  to  locate  the  responsibility 
for  the  failure ;  and  six  of  the  nine  gentlemen,  the  other  three 
declining  to  sign  the  report,  laid  the  blame  on  Saltonstal ;  and 
they  succeeded  in  drawing  out  of  the  Continental  treasury 
$2,000,000. 


11 

Among  the  records  which,  have  been  preserved  is  an  interest- 
ing letter  written  to  the  New  York  members  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  March  22,  1780,  by  Eben  Hazard,  of  Jamaica  Plain, 
a  suburb  of  Boston.     He  said : 

"I  have  not  received  any  letter  from  you  since  I  wrote  you 
last ;  but  as  I  find  this  State  have  some  expectations  of  making 
the  Penobscot  Expedition  a  Continental  charge,  I  think  it  but 
a  piece  of  justice  to  the  State  of  New  York,  and  indeed  all  the 
rest,  to  give  some  hints  about  it.  That  affair  has  made  great 
uneasiness  here;  but  very  little  has  been  published  in  the  news- 
papers about  it. 

"Whether  the  printers  were  under  any  influence,  or  what  the 
reason  was,  I  shall  not  pretend  to  say     *     *     *     . 

"In  that  Report  the  principal  blame  is  laid  upon  the  Commo- 
dore (Saltonstal)  ;  *  *  *  but  from  the  face  of  the  Report 
it  appears  to  me  that,  as  he  was  a  Continental  officer,  it  was 
hoped  his  balk  would  keep  the  smaller  fry  out  of  sight,  and 
thereby  the  credit  of  the  State  would  be  saved,  and  a  plea  fur- 
nished for  saddling  the  Continent  with  the  expense." 

Coinciding  with  Mr.  Hazard,  William  Willis  ("History  of 
Portland,  Maine",  published  in  1833)  said:  "It  was  believed 
that  had  our  soldiers  not  been  checked  (by  Gen.  Lovell)  in  their 
first  onset,  they  would  have  been  able  from  their  superior  force 
to  have  entered  and  dislodged  the  enemy  from  their  unfinished 
works.  Such  is  believed  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  General 
Wadsworth,  whose  conduct  in  the  whole  course  of  the  expedition 
merited  unqualified  approbation.  He  was  in  the  midst  of  every 
danger  and  suffering;  and  our  soldiers  said,  'if  the  chief  com- 
mand had  been  entrusted  to  him,  success  would  have  crowned 
our  arms'." 

And  in  "Spirit  of  '76  in  Rhode  Island",  Thomas  Philbrook, 
of  Providence,  who  served  on  one  of  the  sloops  in  this  expedi- 
tion, declares  that  Gen.  Lovell  was  strongly  suspected  of  being 
a  traitor. 

19.  When  John  Paul  Jones,  commanding  the  Ranger,  was  in 
St.  George's  Channel  planning  a  descent  on  the  Irish  coast  by 
night  in  order  to  surprise  and  capture  the  Drake,  a  twenty-gun 
British  ship,  his  New  England  officers  would  not  consent  to  the 
movement.  Jones  says  in  his  "Narrative" :  "This  project,  how- 
ever, greatly  alarmed  my  lieutenants ;  they  were  poor,  they  said, 
and  their  object  was  gain,  not  honor;  they  accordingly  excited 
disobedience  among  the  ship's  company,  by  persuading  them 
that  they  had  a  right  to  determine  whether  the  measures  adopted 
by  me  were  well  concerted  or  not". 

20.  In  a  Report  made  by.  the  Senate  Committee  on  Public 
Lands  (William  R.  King  being  Chairman)  in  the  winter  of 
1831-2,  this  statement  occurs: 


12 

"The  rule  of  distribution  (surplus  revenue  from  sale  of 
lands)  among  the  States  (as  proposed  in  a  pending  bill)  makes 
no  distinction  between  those  States  which  did  or  did  not  make 
cessions  of  their  vacant  land  to  the  Federal  government.  Massa- 
chusetts and  Maine,  which  are  now  selling  and  enjoying  their 
vacant  lands  in  their  own  right,  and  Connecticut,  which  re- 
ceived a  deed  for  two  millions  of  acres  from  the  Federal  govern- 
ment, and  sold  them  for  her  own  benefit,  are  put  upon  an  equal 
footing  with  Virginia,  which  ceded  the  immense  domain  which 
lies  in  the  forks  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  and  Georgia, 
which  ceded  territory  for  two  States." — See  Benton,  I,  278. 

21.  In  1786  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation,  dominated 
by  the  Northern  States,  instructed  John  Jay,  Secretary  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  to  surrender  to  Spain  the  exclusive  right  to  navi- 
gate the  Mississippi  below  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo,  in  exchange 
for  valuable  privileges  to  the  commerce  of  New  England.  Thus 
the  western  parts  of  North  Carolina  (Tennessee)  and  Virginia 
(Kentucky)  were  deprived  of  a  free  outlet  to  foreign  countries; 
and  the  indignation  of  these  people  led  to  much  opposition  to 
the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  in  1788-9. 

22.  In  1787  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation,  eight  States 
represented,  sold  to  a  number  of  Northern  gentlemen  (including 
Dr.  Manasseh  Cutler,  Gen.  Rufus  Putnam,  Gen.  S.  H.  Parsons 
and  Col.  William  Duer)  5,000,000  acres  of  land  in  Ohio,  and 
accepted  for  payment  $3,500,000  of  "Continental  money,"  which 
was  then  worth  one-eighth  of  its  face  value.  In  other  words, 
these  gentlemen  purchased  a  tract  of  land  as  large  as  the  State 
of  New  Jersey  at  less  than  nine  cents  per  acre,  thus  laying 
the  foundations  for  the  "expansion"  of  New  England  in  the 
lands  which  Virginia  had  ceded  for  the  common  benefit  of  all 
the  States. 

23.  Patrick  Henry's  vigorous  opposition  to  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  by  the  Virginia  Convention  was  based  mainly 
•on  "the  character  and  disposition"  of  the  people  of  some  of  the 
States  with  which  Virginia  would  be  leagued ;  and  George 
Mason's  objection  was  because  "too  much  power  was  given  to 
Congress — power  that  would  finally  destroy  the  State  govern- 
ments more  effectually  by  insidious,  underhanded  means,  than 
•such  as  could  be  openly  practiced." 

24.  Speaking  of  what  he  had  experienced  in  the  first  session 
of  the  first  Congress,  Maclay  said :  "We  Pennsylvanians  act  as 
if  we  believed  that  God  made  of  one  blood  all  families  of  the 
earth ;  but  the  Eastern  people  seem  to  think  that  He  made  none 
but  New  England  folks" ;  in  another  place  he  says :  "For  my 
knowledge  of  the  Eastern  character  warrants  me  in  drawing 
.this  ^conclusion,  that  they  will  cabal  against  and  endeavor  to 


13 

subvert  any  government  which  they  have  not  the  management 
of";  and  in  another  place  (p.  260)  he  says:  "I  would  now  re- 
mark, if  I  had  not  done  it  before,  that  there  is  very  little  can- 
dor in  New  England  men." 

25.  Referring  to  the  treatment  of  Southerners  by  New  Eng- 
land shippers  who  enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  our  coastwise  trade, 
Cary  said  in  1814  that  they  "uniformly  treated  them  with  out- 
rage, insult  and  injury". 

26.  Speaking  of  military  movements  in  1776,  Bancroft  says 
that  while  John  Adams,  Chairman  of  the  Marine  Committee,, 
"cultivated  confidential  relations  with  Charles  Lee  and  Gates,. 
he  never  extended  the  same  cordial  frankness  to  Washington." 

27.  During  the  war  of  1812  John  Lowell  published  in  Boston 
a  paper  which  he  called  "The  Road  to  Ruin,"  in  which  (as 
quoted  by  Carey  in  his  "Olive  Branch")  he  thus  spoke  of  the 
trading  class  of  the  p^>ple :  "They  engage  in  lawless  specula- 
tions, sneer  at  restraints  of  conscience,  laugh  at  perjury,  mock 
at  legal  restraints,  and  acquire  an  ill-gotten  wealth  at  the  ex- 
pense of  public  morals",  &c,  thus  manifesting  a  disposition 
which,  in  the  estimation  of  some  people,  has  not  entirely  disap- 
peared yet,  as  we  may  infer  from  this  remark  of  Senator  Brad- 
ley, of  Kentucky,  in  a  speech  he  delivered  in  the  Senate  on  the 
4th  of  May,  1909  :  "Mr.  President,"  he  said,  "one  more  word 
and  I  am  through.  Give  to  Kentucky  fair  protection  of  her  in- 
terests"— the  right,  he  meant,  to  "prosper"  at  the  expense  of 
other  States — "and  I  guarantee  you  it  will  be  but  a  short  time' 
until  Kentucky  is  as  certainly  a  Republican  State  as  the  great 
State  of  Massachusetts." 

28.  The  monopolistic  privileges  of  Northern  ship-owners  en- 
abled them  to  gradually  diminish  the  share  of  foreign  vessels  in 
the  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  other  countries,- 
so  that  by  1810  these  ship-owners  controlled  91  per  cent  of  it; 
and  as  their  sails  whitened  every  sea  and  their  seamen  and  mer- 
chants frequented  all  the  trading  ports  of  the  civilized  world, 
thus  creating  the  impression  everywhere  that  they  were  typical 
Americans,  one  result,  when  the  war  of  1812  commenced,  is  thus 
told  in  the  Statesman's  Manual : 

"There  existed  a  general  impression  among  civilized  nations 
that  the  spirit  of  liberty  and  independence  which  had  carried 
America  triumphantly  through  the  war  of  the  Revolution  was 
extinguished  by  a  love  of  gain  and  commercial  enterprise,  with- 
out courage  and  resolution  sufficient  to  sustain  the  national 
rights". 

29.  After  the  passage  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  began  to  bring 
distress  upon  the  people  of  that  city,  cargoes  of  provisions  were 
sent  to  them  from  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  South  Caro-- 

3— A 


14 

lina,  even  the  back  settlements  contributing  liberally  for  this 
purpose. 

30.  After  the  memorable  repulse  of  the  British  at  Charleston 
in  June,  1776,  Gen.  Charles  Lee  (an  Englishman),  in  his  re- 
port to  President  Pendleton,  of  Virginia,  said :  "Colonel  Thomp- 
son of  the  South  Carolina  Rangers  acquitted  himself  most  nobly 
in  repulsing  the  troops  who  attempted  to  land  at  the  other  end 
of  the  island.  I  know  not  which  corps  I  have  the  greatest  rea- 
son to  be  pleased  with,  Muhlenberg's  (Virginians),  or  the  North 
Carolina  troops".  And  of  the  men  in  the  Fort  he  said :  "The 
behavior  of  the  garrison,  both  men  and  officers,  with  Col.  Moul- 
trie at  their  head,  I  confess,  astonished  me." 

31.  In  July,  1775,  the  people  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
sent  an  expedition  to  Saint  Augustine  and  captured  15,000 
pounds  of  powder  on  a  British  vessel.  Some  of  this  powder  was 
sent  to  Boston,  and  some  was  used  in  the.  expedition  to  Canada 
in  the  fall  and  winter  of  that  year. 

32.  Just  after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Long  Island,  William 
Hooper  fa  native  of  Boston),  one  of  North  Carolina's  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Continental  Congress,  sent  an  account  of  that 
battle  to  Samuel  Johnston,  the  President  of  North  Carolina's 
Colonial  Assembly,  in  which  he  pictured  the  conduct  of  the  New 
England  troops  as  most  shameful,  ending  with  this  remark 
about  the  troops  from  "southward  of  the  Hudson"  river :  They 
"have  to  a  man  behaved  well  and  borne  the  whole  brunt  on  Long 
Island ;  and  that  for  which  the  Eastern  troops  must  be  damned 
to  eternal  fame — they  have  plundered  friends  and  foes  without 
discrimination". — See  N.  C.  Colonial  Records. 

33.  Based  oh  the  estimated  white  population  of  the  Colonies 
in  1775,  a  calculation  shows  that  the  South  (including  Dela- 
ware) furnished  100  soldieas  in  the  Revolution  for  every  552  of 
her  population,  while  the  North  furnished  100  for  every  672  of 
her  population — a  calculation  which  does  injustice  to  the  South 
since  Gen.  Knox,  the  first  Secretary  of  War,  admitted  that  the 
figures  in  his  possession  did  not  show,  by  a  great  deal,  the  full 
exertions  of  the  South. 


CHAPTER  III. 

New  England  in  the  Old  Union. 

1.  While  the  people  of  New  England  were  fretting  about  the 
non-intercourse  acts  of  Jefferson's  Administration,  "Algernon 
Sidney"  (probably  J.  Q.  Adams)  addressed  "An  Appeal"  to 
them  (see  State  Papers,  2nd  Sess.,  10th  Cong.),  in  which  this 


15 

■question  appears :  "Recur  to  the  period  between  peace  and  the 
present  Government.  Did  not  the  commercial  States  enrich 
themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  agricultural?"    And 

2.  Referring  to  this  same  period,  and  particularly  to  the  dis- 
appearance of  the  wealthy  men  of  Colonial  times,  Hildreth  says 
in  his  "History  of  the  United  States" :  "In  their  place  a  new 
moneyed  class  had  sprung  up,  especially  in  the  Eastern  States, 
men  who  had  grown  rich  in  the  course  of  the  war  as  sutlers,  by 
privateering,  by  speculations  in  the  fluctuating  paper  money, 
and  by  other  operations  not  always  of  the  most  honorable  kind." 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  465. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

New  England  in  the  New  Union. 

1.  In  Charles  Pinckney's  proposed  Constitution,  which  pre- 
sented the  general  form  and  many  of  the  provisions  finally 
adopted,  it  was  denied  to  the  Congress  that  it  could  pass  a  navi- 
gation act  unless  supported  by  a  two-thirds  vote  in  each  house, 
the  agricultural  States  "dreading"  the  commercial  States.  The 
subject  was  debated  for  months,  and  fruitless  efforts  were  made 
hy  the  Northeastern  delegates  to  have  the  provision  stricken  out 
so  that  a  bare  majority  of  a  quorum  in  each  house  could  pass 
a  navigation  act.  At  last  a  "bargain"  was  planned  by  which 
they  got  it  out. 

2.  In  the  first  Congress  of  "the  more  perfect  Union",  in  spite 
of  vigorous  protests  from  Southerners,  as  Hugh  Williamson 
and  William  B.  Giles,  laws  were  passed  to  give  New  England 
shippers  a  monopoly  of  our  coastwise  commerce  and  a  partial 
monopoly  of  our  foreign  commerce,  the  value  of  which  may  be 
partly  inferred  from  the  following  extract  from  a  speech  de- 
livered by  Daniel  Webster  to  the  Young  Men  of  Albany,  May 
28,  1851: 

"What  does  New  York  enjoy?  What  do  Massachusetts  and 
Maine  enjoy?  They  enjoy  an  exclusive  right  to  the  coasting 
trade.  *  *  *  It  is  this  right  which  has  employed  so  much 
tonnage  and  so  many  men,  and  given  support  to  so  many  thou- 
sands of  our  fellow-citizens.  Now  what  would  you  say,  *  *  * 
if  the  South  and  the  Southwest  were  to  join  together  to  repeal 
this  law,  *  *  *  and  invite  the  Dane,  the  Swede,  the  Ham- 
burgher,  and  all  the  commercial  nations  of  Europe  who  can 
carry  cheaper,  to  come  in  and  carry  goods"  ? 

3.  In  that  same  Congress,  in  spite  of  vigorous  opposition 
from  Southerners,  a  plan  was  inaugurated  to  grant  bounties  to 


16 

New  England's  cod-fishermen ;  and  by  the  help  of  fraudulent 
claims,  as  President  Jackson  charged  in  his  annual  message  of 
December  7,  1830,  they  drew  out  of  the  Federal  Treasury,  up  to 
1860,  $13,000,000. 

1.  In  that  same  Congress,  in  spite  of  vigorous  opposition 
from  the  South,  by  threats  on  the  part  of  Elbridge  Gerry  that 
the  Massachusetts  members  "would  proceed  no  further" — with- 
draw and  break  up  the  Union — and  by  other  methods  which 
Maclay  considered  disreputable,  sixty-four  millions  of  dollars  of 
new  Federal  bonds  were  given  to  Northern  speculators  in  ex- 
change for  nominally  the  same  amount  of  Continental  and  State 
Revolutionary- War  bonds  for  which  those  speculators  had  paid 
eight  millions  of  dollars.  This  was  done  behind  closed  doors, 
and  many  of  the  lucky  speculators  were  members  of  Congress. 

5.  Discussing  the  proceedings  in  Congress  on  March  9,  I790r 
two  weeks  after  the  "bargaining"  began  which  resulted  in  the 
adoption  of  the  funding  and  assumption  schemes  of  the  specu- 
lators, Maclay  says :  "At  length  they  risked  the  question,  and 
carried  it,  thirty-one  votes  to  twenty-six  *  *  *  And  this 
only  in  Committee  of  the  whole,  with  many  doubts  that  some 
will  fly  off  on  a  roll  call,  and  great  fears  that  the  North  Caro- 
lina members  will  be  in  before  a  bill  can  be  matured  or  a  report 
gone  through."  That  is  to  say,  these  schemers  were  anxious  to 
compel  North  Carolina,  then  a  member  of  the  Union,  to  obey  a 
law  passed  by  a  Congress  in  which  she  was  not  represented,  and 
to  "stand  and  deliver"  to  these  speculators  more  than  four  and 
one-third  millions  of  dollars,  as  a  free  gift,  a  burden  equal  to 
nearly  eleven  dollars  per  capita  of  the  entire  population  of  the 
State  at  that  time. 

6.  In  that  same  Congress,  with  the  same  opposition,  a  law 
was  passed  to  give  Northern  shipbuilders  a  monopoly  of  our 
ship  market,  and  to  deny  to  a  Southerner  the  right  to  purchase 
a  foreign  ship,  even  if  the  price  was  half  as  much  as  the  New 
England  price. 

7.  In  that  same  Congress,  with  that  same  opposition,  Izard 
and  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  lead- 
ing in  the  fight,  Robert  Morris's  "Bank  of  North  America"  was 
converted  into  "The  Bank  of  the  United  States,"  and  the  spec- 
ulators in  Revolutionary-War  securities,  who  had  not  shared  in 
the  sixty-four-millions-of-dollars  deal,  were  permitted  to  sub- 
scribe for  three-fifths  of  the  stock  and  pay  for  it  with  some  of 
these  securities ;  and  the  result,  as  charged  in  President  Jack- 
son's Bank-veto  message,  was  a  "gratuity  of  many  millions  of 
dollars  to  the  stockholders". 

8.  While  these  sectional  measures  were  being  perfected, 
Fisher  Ames,  of  Massachusetts,  said  that  "some  force  was  neces- 
sary" to  compel  Southerners  to  yield  to  the  demands  of  New 


17 

England,  and  he  was  in  favor  of  applying  it,  what  he  called  the 
"common  good"  being  his  professed  object ;  and  Mr.  Blaine, 
while  admitting  in  his  Twenty  Years  in  Congress  the  sectional 
injustice  of  some  of  these  measures,  says  that  "patriotism" — Dr. 
Samuel  Johnson's  "last  refuge  of  a  scoundrel" — should  have 
moved  "the  plantation  States"  to  submit  willingly  to  their  en- 
slavement. 

9.  In  1790,  while  Congress  was  planning  a  new  tariff  bill, 
Massachusetts  sent  a  petition  asking  for  "a  remission  of  duties 
on  all  the  dutiable  articles  used  in  the  fisheries,"  whether  re-ex- 
ported or  not — salt,  rum,  tea,  sugar,  molasses,  iron,  coarse  wool- 
ens, lines  and  hooks,  sailcloth,  cordage  and  tonnage;  "and  also 
premiums  and  bounties".  And  this  petition  asked  for  all  these 
special  favors  for  a  people  to  whom  John  Jay  thus  referred  in 
the  Federalist  about  two  years  before  this :  "With  France  and 
with  Britain  we  are  rivals  in  the  fisheries,  and  can  supply  their 
markets  cheaper  than  they  can  themselves,  notwithstanding  any 
efforts  to  prevent  it  by  bounties  on  their  own,  or  duties  on  for- 
eign fish". 

10.  The  committee  appointed  in  the  first  Congress  to  draft  a 
tariff  bill  was  dominated  by  Northern  merchants,  and  although 
they  were  appointed  in  April,  and  soon  agreed  on  the  important 
features  of  the  bill,  it  was  kept  in  the  pockets  of  some  of  the 
■committee  until  July,  thus  giving  merchant  vessels  time  to 
bring  in  their  cargoes  before  it  became  a  law ;  and  Maclay  says : 
"The  merchants  have  undoubtedly  regulated  the  prices  of  their 
goods  agreeable  to  the  proposed  duties,  so  that  consumers  of 
dutied  articles  really  pay  the  whole  of  the  impost." 

11.  Up  to  1814,  according  to  Carey,  the  New  England  States, 
enjoying  their  monopolistic  privileges,  had  "derived  all  the 
henefits  from  the  Southern  States  that  they  would  from  so  many 
wealthy  colonies" ;  in  his  speech  delivered  in  the .  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives March  31,  1897,  Hon.  Joseph  H.  Walker,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, criticised  the  Southern  milliners  of  1832,  and  particu- 
larly George  McDuffie,  because  they  were  attempting  to  "de- 
prive the  North  of  its  prosperity",  Mr.  Walker  asserting  the 
claim  that  the  North  was  entitled  to  a  portion  of  the  profits  of 
slave  labor  in  the  South ;  and  up  to  1860,  according  to  Gen. 
TJonn  Piatt  (in  Rice's  "Reminiscences",  &c),  Southern  slavery 
"had  been  more  valuable  to  the  North  than  to  the  South." 

12.  Soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  War  of  1812,  President 
Madison  made  a  call  for  the  militia  of  the  States.  Gov.  Caleb 
Strong,  of  Massachusetts,  refused  to  honor  the  call.  In  the  cor- 
respondence between  him  and  the  Secretary  of  War,  he  was  in- 
formed that  if  he  called  into  service  the  militia  of  his  State,  re- 
fusing to  put  them  "under  the  command  of  the  Major  General 
-of  the  United  States",  "the  expense  attending  their  service  would 


18 

be  chargeable  to  the  State,  and  not  to  the  United  States".  But 
after  the  close  of  the  war,  Massachusetts  sent  to  Congress  a  de- 
mand for  nearly  $900,000  for  services  rendered  by  her  militia 
during  the  war,  and  succeeded  after  a  fourteen  years'  struggle 
in  having  an  act  passed  to  allow  her  $430,000. 

13.  Having  the  power  to  do  so,  the  New  England  banks  gath- 
ered up  the  specie  of  the  country  in  1814,  and  used  it  to  em- 
barrass the  Madison  administration,  and  for  another  purpose 
which  can  be  found  on  page  52  of.  the  3rd  volume  of  Henry  Wil- 
liam Elson's  sectional  History  of  the  United  States.  He  says 
that  in  that  year  "the  specie  of  the  country  drifted  to  New  Eng- 
land banks" ;  and  that  "Boston  banks  would  receive  the  notes  of 
a  Baltimore  bank  only  at  a  discount  of  thirty  per  cent.,  and 
(Eederal)  treasury  notes  issued  from  time  to  time,  at  a  discount 
of  twenty-five  per  cent." 

14.  Up  to  1860,  according  to  Kettell's  calculation,  the  North- 
ern manufacturers,  by  the  help  of  protective  tariffs,  had  com- 
pelled the  "South  and  West"  to  pay  for  their  manufactures 
1100  millions  of  dollars  more  than  they  would  have  cost  in  for- 
eign countries — a  colossal  wrong  which  Henry  William  Elson's 
sectional  History  of  the  United  States  (vol.  3,  p.  Ill)  attempts 
to  justify  by  this  statement :  "At  the  close  of  the  recent  war 
with  England  the  South  was  more  favorable  than  the  North  to> 
a  protective  tariff.  One  cause  of  this  was,  it  is  asserted,  that 
the  South  expected  to  work  its  own  cotton ;  but  this  it  could  not 
do.     Slave  labor  had  not  the  intelligence  to  manufacture",  &c. 

But  this  slap  at  "slave  labor"  is  not  justified  by  facts.  The 
protective  feature  of  the  tariff  of  1816  was  to  last  only  three- 
years,  and  its  purpose  was  simply  to  insure  capitalists  against 
losses  which  would  necessarily  result  from  changes  in  their  in- 
dustries; and  there  was  no  intention  to  give  them  a  permanent 
monopoly  of  the  "home  market".  And  as  to  the  sectionalism 
which  manifested  itself  in  the  passage  of  this  act,  the  evidence 
of  public  records  is  against  Mr.  Elson ;  New  England's  votes 
were  17  yeas  and  10  nays,  and  the  five  old  "plantation  States"' 
gave  16  yeas  and  35  nays. 

15.  Up  to  1860  the  North's  share  of  "pork  barrel"  appropria- 
tions was  several  times  as  large  as  the  South's.  For  example, 
from  1834  to  1845  the  Northern  members  of  the  "old  thirteen"' 
received  for  internal  improvements  $6,328,080  and  the  Southern 
members  received  $653,100. 

16.  Up  to  1860,  according  to  the  report  of  the  "Public  Land 
Commission"  of  1883,  about  seventeen-twentieths  of  all  gifts 
of  public  lands — amounting  to  more  than  four  States  as  large  as 
Kentucky — went  to  individuals,  corporations,  Territories  and 
States  west  of  the  Mississippi  river  which  could  be  relied  on  to 
strengthen  the  North  in  Federal  legislation.     These  gifts  were 


19 

for  homesteaders,  canals,  roads  and  railroads,  and  do  not  in- 
clude appropriations  for  public  buildings,  schools,  &c.  As  to 
the  amount  of  these  we  may  not  err  greatly  if  we  suppose  they 
did  not  fall  far  behind  the  gifts  to  Nebraska.  According  to 
Land  Office  Eeports,  that  State  received  2,839,004  acres  of  land 
and  $3,400,000  in  money,    ^his  was  in  1864. 

17.  Up  to  1838  the  Revolutionary-War  pensioners  of  the 
Northern  States  had  drawn  out  of  the  Federal  treasury  more 
than  two  and  a  half  times  as  much,  per  capita,  as  those  of  the 
South  had;  the  report  for  1838  shows  that  New  England's  share 
of  this  money  was,  per  capita,  about  three  and  one-third  times 
as  large  as  the  South's ;  and  in  1848 — 67  years  after  the  close 
of  the  war — New  England's  Revolutionary- War  pensioners  re- 
ceived more  money  than  the  pensioners  of  all  classes  (for  ser- 
vices in  the  Revolution,  the  War  of  1812,  and  the  Indian  Wars) 
in  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia. 

18.  Adopting  the  Jamaica  price  ($150)  for  an  imported  slave, 
and  making  a  liberal  allowance  for  errors,  I  find  that,  up  to 
1860,  Northern  slave-traders  had  carried  out  of  the  Southern 
States  about  $250,000,000.  But  when  the  Republican  party 
freed  these  slaves,  the  money  was  not  returned. 

19.  Among  the  early  provisions  of  tariff  acts  was  one  to  grant 
to  an  importer  of  a  taxed  article  a  "drawback"  of  what  he  had 
paid  if  he  exported  the  same  article,  either  in  its  raw  state  or 
after  it  had  gone  through  a  process  of  manufacture.  This  law 
was  taken  advantage  of  by  importers  of  raw  sugar  and  molasses, 
as  is  explained  in  chapter  53  of  Benton's  "Thirty  Years'  View", 
and  the  tax-payers  of  the  country  were  required  to  contribute 
unjust  profits  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  to  the  ex- 
porters of  refined  sugar  and  New  England  rum. 

It  is  a  long  story;  and  one  illustration  of  their  methods  must 
serve  as  a  key  to  all :  Cheap  whiskey,  filtered  through  charcoal 
and  mixed  with  rum,  in  about  the  proportion  of  four  gallons  of 
whiskey  to  one  of  rum,  and  then  run  through  a  rum  distillery, 
was  exported;  and  since  the  import  tax  on  molasses  during  all 
these  years,  was  5  cents  per  gallon,  these  distilleries  received  a 
drawback  of  25  instead  of  5  cents  per  gallon  on  all  the  molasses 
they  converted  into  rum.  The  tables  in  the  census  reports  of 
1850  show  that  of  the  6,500,500  gallons  of  rum  manufactured  in 
1849,  all  but  3,000  gallons  were  manufactured  north  of  Mason 
and  Dixon's  line,  and  that  the  share  of  Massachusetts  was 
3,786,000  gallons;  so  that  her  unearned  gain  was  about  $757,000. 
And  let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  during  all  these  years — from 
1816  to  1846,  with  variations  afterwards — the  import  tax  on  a 
gallon  of  rum  ran  from  38  to  90  cents  per  gallon,  according  to 
quality;  so  that  these  distillers  were  unjustly  quartered  on  the 


20 

people,   whether  they   exported,  their   rum   or   sold   it   in   this 
country. 

20.  As  a  result  of  sectional  privileges  and  incidental  favors 
enjoyed  by  the  North  from  the-beginning  of  the  Union,  Kettell 
calculates  that  the  annual  flow  of  money  from  the  South  to  the 
North,  at  the  time  he  wrote  (I860).,  amounted  to  $231,500,000; 
and  the  hope  that  the  South  could  ever  free  herself  from  her 
vassalage  had  utterly  vanished,  since  at  that  time  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  was  composed  of  thirty  Southern  and.  thir- 
ty-six Northern  members,  and  some  of  the  Territories  were 
about  ready  to  come  in  and  strengthen  the  North. 

21.  To  all  this  evidence  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  no 
Northerner  has  ever  charged  that  any  Southern  statesman  ever 
asked  for  the  passage  of  a  law  to  enable  any  Southern  man,  cor- 
poration or  State  to  "prosper"  at  the  expense  of  the  Northern 
States.  Nor  can  there  be  any  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  state- 
ment in  "The  Origin  of  the  Late  War",  a  work  written  by 
George  Lunt,  a  Massachusetts  lawyer.  He  says :  "Of  four  sev- 
eral compromises  between  the  two  sections  since  the  Revolution- 
ary War,  each  has  been  kept  by  the  South  and  violated  by  the 
North." 

But  with  all  the  truths  in  easy  reach,  John  W.  Burgess,  Ph. 
D.,  LL.  D.,  in  his  "The  Civil  War  and  the  Constitution",  makes 
statements  which  moved  "The  Critic"  (New  Rochelle,  N.  Y., 
January,  1902)  to  say:  "The  chapter  on  the  months  preceding 
secession  are  of  great  interest.  The  tolerant  attitude  adopted 
toward  the  South,  while  at  the  same  time  the  justice  of  the 
North's  demands  is  never  minimized,  is  an  innovation  in  Ameri- 
can history". 

22.  It  appears,  then,  that  no  honest  seeker  after  the  truth  can 
deny  that  sectional  antagonism  in  the  United  States  was  due  in 
part  to  an  assumption  of  superior  moral  and  intellectual  quali- 
ties in  New  England  and  of  distrust  in  the  South ;  that  the 
determining  cause  of  secession  was  the  fixed  and  irresistible  pur- 
pose of  the  North  to  "prosper"  at  the  expense  of  the  South; 
and  that  "slavery"  was  simply  a  club  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
stood  in  the  doorway  of  a  Territory  to  prevent  Southern  fam- 
ilies from  finding  new  homes  in  the  lands  for  which  the  taxing 
system  of  the  Federal  government  had  compelled  them  and  their 
ancestors  to  contribute  most  of  the  purchase  money. 


21 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  New  Englander  and  Slavery. 

1.  In  1638 — eighteen  years  after  that  noted  Jamestown  inci- 
dent—the Salem  slave-ship,  the  "Desire",  brought  into  Massa- 
chusetts a  number  of  negroes,  and  found  ready  sale  for  them. 
This,  says  Moore  ("Notes",  &c.)  "was  not  a  private  individual 
speculation;  it  was  the  enterprise  of  the  authorities  of  the  Col- 
ony". But  in  one  volume  of  the  "American  History  Stories", 
published  by  the  "Educational  Publishing  Company"  of  Boston, 
it  is  said  that  the  Georgians  introduced  slavery  into  their  Col- 
ony because  they  "were  not  a  God-fearing  people  as  were  the 
Puritans  and  Quakers".  And  this  book  has  found  its  way  into. 
Southern  Schools ! 

2.  In  1641  Massachusetts  adopted  her  "body  of  liberties"  as  a 
written  Constitution  of  Government,  in  which  this  provision 
occurs : 

"There  shall  never  be  any  bond  slavery,  villanage,  or  captiv- 
ity amongst  us,  unless  it  be  lawful  captives  taken  in  just  wars, 
and  such  strangers  as  willingly  sell  themselves  or  are  sold  to  us" 
— many  Indians  "willingly"  accepting  slavery  in  preference  to 
death  when  permitted  to  choose. 

3.  In  1643  Massachusetts  Bay,  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  formed  a  Confederation,  mutually  agreeing,  among 
other  stipulations,  to  surrender  fugitive  slaves. 

4.  In  1676  the  New  Englanders  exterminated  the  Indian 
tribe  which  under  Massasoit  had  befriended  them  for  half  a 
century,  killing  six  hundred  men  and  one  thousand  women  and 
children  in  one  battle,  and  selling  the  few  survivors  as  slaves, 
among  these  being  the  nine-year-old  grandson  of  Massasoit.  He 
was  shipped  to  Bermuda ;  and  this  was  done  after  Rev.  Samuel 
Arnold,  of  Marshfield,  and  Rev.  John  Cotton,  of  Plymouth,  had 
advised  that  he  be  "butchered". 

5.  In  1768,  according  to  a  British  report  (See  Kettell),  6,700 
negroes  were  shipped  by  Northern  slavers  from  the  west  coast 
of  Africa ;  and,  if  we  adopt  the  Jamaica  price,  these  traders 
carried  home  more  than  one  million  of  dollars. 

6.  In  October,  1905,  according  to  the  New  York  Evening 
Post,  an  insurance  policy  was  shown  to  a  gentleman  in  that 
city,  which  was  issued  to  a  New  England  Company,  "about 
1860",  on  a  cargo  of  slaves. 

7.  The  slave  trade  was  one  of  the  most  gainful  employments 
of  New  England  ships  up  to  1861.  In  that  year  the  Nightin- 
gale, commanded  by  Erancis  Bowen,  of  Boston,  was  captured 
on  the  African  coast,  having  on  board  961  negroes,  and  was  "ex- 


22 

pecting  more" ;  and  while  she  was  being  captured,  nine-  other 
slavers  escaped. — See  Naval  War  Records,  Vol.  I. 

8.  In  Jefferson's  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  he 
said  of  George  III :  "He  has  waged  cruel  war  against  human 
nature  itself,  violating  its  most  sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberty 
in  the  persons  of  a  distant  people  who  never  offended  him,  cap- 
tivating and  carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemisphere,, 
or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  their  transportation  thither.  This 
piratical  warfare",  &c.  But  when  his  paper  was  submitted  to 
the  full  Committee — the  other  members  being  John  Adams  of 
Massachusetts,  Benjamin  Franklin  of  Pennsylvania,  Roger 
Sherman  of  Connecticut,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston  of  New 
York — this  denunciation  of  the  slave-trade  was  stricken  out,  be- 
cause, perhaps,  it  might  be  offensive  to  the  people  who  were  rep- 
resented by  Adams  and  Sherman. 

9.  In  June,  1854,  a  notable  debate  took  place  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  between  Senator  A.  P.  Butler  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  Senator  Charles  Sumner  of  Massachusetts,  in  which 
the  latter  showed  those  qualities  which  led  Senator  Henry  Wil- 
son, as  we  are  informed  in  H.  G.  Howard's  '"'Civil  War  Echoes", 
to  say  that  "Sumner  thought  anything  that  did  not  originate  in 
his  own  brain  or  the  Almighty's,  was  not  worthy  of  considera- 
tion". In  this  debate  he  arrogantly  asserted  that  Massachusetts 
"exterminated  every  vestige  of  slavery  within  her  borders"  in 
1780 :  and  Moore  says  that  this  falsehood  "has  been  persistently 
asserted  and  repeated  by  all  sorts  of  authorities,  historical  and 
legal,  up  to  that  of  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  Commonwealth".  But  in  Felt's  "Salem",  quoted  by  Moore^. 
there  is  the  following  letter  written  by  a  prominent  Massachu- 
setts merchant,  whose  name  and  residence  are  omitted : 

" ,  Nov.  12,  1785. 

"Capt. : 

"Our  brig  of  which  you  have  the  command,  being  cleared  at 
the  office,  and  being  in  every  other  respect  complete  for  sea ;  our 
orders  are,  that  you  embrace  the  first  fair  Avind  and  make  the- 
best  of  your  way  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  then  invest  your 
cargo  in  slaves". 

And  even  as  late  as  1793  a  slave  was  sold  at  public  auction  in 
Cambridge,  Massachusetts. — See  Watson  vs.  Cambridge,  15 
Mass.,  2S6-7. 

10.  In  framing  the  first  tariff  bill  the  Committee  proposed  a 
tax  of  six  cents  per  gallon  on  molasses;  but  by  methods  which 
Maclay  represents  as  discreditable,  the  New  Englanders,  includ- 
ing Vice-President  Adams,  succeeded  in  having  it  reduced  to 
two  and  one-half  cents,  molasses  being  the  raw  material  for 
their  rum  distilleries,  rum  being  the  chief  article  exchanged  in 


23 

Africa  for  slaves,  and  the  slave-trade  being  one  of  the  most  lu- 
crative employments  of  the  New  Englanders. 

11.  In  1795  the  Duke  de  Larochefoucauld-Liancourt  visited 
the  United  States,  and  in  his  "Voyage  dans  les  Etats-Unis"  he 
states  that  "nearly  twenty  vessels  from  the  harbors  of  the  North- 
ern States"  were  then  employed  in  importing  negroes  to  Geor- 
gia and  the  West  Indies. 

12.  "While  the  first  Congress  (1789)  was  framing  its  tariff 
bill,  and  "nearly  twenty  vessels  from  the  harbors  of  the  North- 
ern States"  were  importing  slaves  to  Georgia,  Josiah  Parker,  a 
Representative  from  Virginia,  moved  that  the  bill  be  amended 
by  imposing  a  tax  of  ten  dollars  on  every  slave  imported;  but 
a  vigorous  opposition,  led  by  Roger  Sherman  of  Connecticut 
prevented  its  adoption. 

13.  Slavery  being  unprofitable  in  Massachusetts,  it  was  a 
common  practice  to  give  away  negro  children  "like  puppy 
dogs." 

14.  When  the  Committee  in  the  Convention  of  1787  reported 
that  Congress  should  not  undertake  to  stop  the  slave-trade  till 
1800,  Mr.  Gorham,  of  Massachusetts,  seconded  a  motion  to  sub- 
stitute 1808,  and  the  motion  was  supported  unanimously  by 
the  New  Englanders.  But  in  John  Fiske's  "Civil  Government 
in  the  United  States",  referring  to  this  slave-trade  agreement 
(p.  255),  he  says:  "There  was  some  sectional  opposition  be- 
tween North  and  South,  and  in  Virginia  there  was  a  party  in 
favor  of  a  separate  Southern  Confederacy.  But  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia  were  won  over  by  the  concessions  in  the  Constitu- 
tion to  slavery,  and  especially  a  provision  that  the  importation 
of  slaves  from  Africa  should  not  be  prohibited  until  1808".  And 
Mr.  Fiske's  sectional  blindness  re-appears  in  the  "New  Inter- 
national Encyclopaedia",  published  by  Dodd,  Mead  &  Company, 
which  says:-"The  bill  abolishing  the  slave-trade  (1807)  renewed 
sectional  debate,  and  showed  predominant  anti-slavery  sentiment 
in  the  North".  But  when  the  bill  passed  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, only  five  members  voted  in  the  negative — one  from 
Vermont,  one  from  New  Hampshire,  two  from  Virginia,  and 
one  from  South  Carolina. 

15.  In  President  Lincoln's  message  of  December  3,  1861,  he 
said :  "The  execution  of  the  laws  for  the  suppression  of  the  Afri- 
can slave  trade  has  been  confided  to  the  Department  of  the  In- 
terior. *  *  *  Five  vessels  being  fitted  out  for  the  slave 
trade  have  been  seized  and  condemned.  The  mates  of  vessels 
engaged  in  the  trade  and  one  person  in  equipping  a  vessel  as  a 
slaver  have  been  convicted  and  subjected  to  the  penalty  of  fine 
and  imprisonment,  and  one  captain,  taken  with  a  cargo  of  Afri- 
cans on  his  vessel,  has  been  convicted  of  the  highest  grade  of ' 
offense  under  the  law,  the  punishment  of  which  is  death". 


24 

16.  Adopting  the  rate  of  increase  of  the  colored  population  of 
this  country  from  1880  to  1890  as  the  normal  rate,  per  decade, 
I  find  that  after  the  courts  of  Massachusetts  began  to  decide 
that  the  children  of  slaves  were  free  at  their  birth,  the  colored 
population  of  that  State,  between  1800  and  1830,  fell  2,386  be- 
low what  it  should  have  been.  What  became  of  these  unfor- 
tunate beings,  we  may  never  know ;  but  possibly  the  legislature 
of  North  Carolina  had  them  in  mind  when,  in  1786  it  enacted 
that  any  person  who  brought  a  slave  into  this  State  from  a  State 
which  had  made  provision  for  the  liberation  of  its  slaves, 
"should  enter  into  a  bond  with  sufficient  surety  in  the  sum  of 
fifty  pounds"  for  the  removal  of  the  slave  back  to  the  State 
whence  he  brought  him ;  and  ,that  if  he  failed  to  comply  with 
the  requirement  of  the  bond,  he  should  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  one 
hundred  pounds  in  addition  to  the  fifty  which  he  should  forfeit. 
And  even  as  late  as  1820,  according  to  Potter,  Taylor  and  Yan- 
cey's "Laws  of  North  Carolina",  published  in  1821,  a  tax  of 
ten  dollars  was  imposed  on  each  slave  brought  into  North  Caro- 
lina from  another  State  for  sale. 

17.  In  1788  Massachusetts  adopted  a  regulation  that  negroes 
from  other  States,  bond  or  free,  could  not  settle  in  her  borders 
unless  they  carried  with  them  certificates  of  citizenship,  and 
that  a  violater  of  the  law  should  be  flogged  if  he  refused  to 
leave  the  State  after  being  warned  by  a  justice  of  the  peace. 

18.  One  of  the  first  laws  adopted  by  the  State  of  Ohio,  which 
had  been  settled  chiefly  by  New  Englanders,  was  that  no  colored 
person  from  another  State  should  migrate  to  Ohio,  and  that  if 
any  white  man  carried  one  to  that  State,  he  should  give  a  $500 
bond  that  the  black  man  should  not  "come  upon  the  town"  to  be 
supported. 

19.  William  Elsey  Comielley,  who  was  a  strong  friend  of 
John  Brown,  declares  in  "An  Appeal  to  the  Record"  that  the 
famous  "Emigrant  Aid  Company"  which  made  war  on  South- 
erners in  Kansas,  was  organized  "for  speculative  purposes" ;  and 
Rev.  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale,  in  his  "Kansas  and  Nebraska", 
which  was  published  in  1854,  represents  the  movement  to  ex- 
elude  Southerners  from  those  Territories  to  be  partly,  if  not 
wholly,  intended  to  convert  them  into  "wealthy  colonies"  for 
the  benefit  of  the  "factories"  of  Massachusetts. 

20.  While  Garrison's  little  band  were  sending  their  abolition 
petitions  over  the  country  and  into  the  halls  of  Congress,  Frank- 
lin Pierce,  a  Representative  in  Congress  from  New  Hampshire, 
said  in  a  speech  delivered  during  the  session  which  commenced 
in  December,  1835  :  "I  am  unwilling  that  any  imputation  shall 
rest  upon  the  North,  in  consequence  of  the  misguided  and  fanat- 
ical zeal  of  a  few — comparatively  very  few — who,  however  hon- 
est may  have  been  their  purposes,  have,  I  believe,  done  incalcul- 


25 

able  mischief,  and  whose  movements,  I  know,  receive  no  more 
sanction  at  the  North  than  they  do  at  the  South" ;  and,  as  late 
as  January,  1850,  Samuel  S.  Phelps,  a  Vermont  Senator,  referr- 
ing in  a  speech  to  what  he  considered  unreasonable  complaints 
on  the  part  of  Southerners,  said :  "As  to  what  has  been  offens- 
ively said  at  the  North,  this  is  a  land  of  free  speech ;  and  what 
is  to  be  done  with  people  who  believe  themselves  charged  with 
a  mission,  not  only  to  amend  the  Constitution  framed  by  the 
wisdom  of  our  fathers,  but  also  to  assist  the  Almighty  in  the 
correction  of  sundry  mistakes  which  they  have  discovered  m 
His  works?" 

21.  In  the  inaugural  address  of  Robert  J.  Walker,  a  Pennsyl- 
vanian  and  an  emancipationist,  who  had  been  appointed  by 
President  Buchanan  Governor  of  Kansas,  he  exposed  the  hypoc- 
risy of  the  "free-soilers"  by  declaring  that  "in  their  so-called 
Constitution,  formed  at  Topeka,  they  deemed  that  entire  race 
(negroes)  so  inferior  and  degraded  as  to  exclude  them  all  for- 
ever from  Kansas,  whether  they  be  bond  or  free" — the  provision 
having  been  adopted  by  more  than  four-fifths  of  the  votes. 

22.  In  the  Constitution  of  Indiana  which  was  adopted  in 
1851,  after  the  provision  that  "no  negro  or  mulatto  shall  have 
the  right  of  suffrage",  it  is  declared  that  "no  negro  or  mulatto 
shall  come  into,  or  settle  in  the  State".  And  Indiana,  be  it  re- 
membered, was  settled  mainly  by  New  Englanders. 

23.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  14th  amendment  no 
colored  person  could  vote  in  any  Northern  State  east  of  the 
Hudson  river,  nor  in  Connecticut ;  and  in  the  few  other  States 
where  he  was  not  absolutely  disfranchised,  the  right  to  vote  was 
practically  nullified  by  the  requirement  of  qualifications  pos- 
sessed by  few  colored  persons.  In  Massachusetts,  for  exampffe, 
the  voter  had  to  be  able  to  read  and  write,  and  had  to  own  a 
free-hold  estate  "of  the  annual  income  of  three  pounds." 

24.  The  first  fugitive-slave  law  was  a  provision  in  that  fa- 
mous Ordinance  for  the  government  of  the  Northwest  Territory, 
for  which  Nathan  Dane,  of  Massachusetts,  has  been  lauded  by 
all  the  Northern  historians  and  orators. 

25.  After  Mrs.  Stowe  had  looked  over  the  South  for  a  most 
revolting  brute  to  ornament  her  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin",  she  se- 
lected "Legree,"  a  New  Englander;  and  then  delivered  this  lec- 
ture: "If  the  mothers  of  the  free  States  had  all  felt  as  they 
should  in  times  past,  the  sons  of  the  free  States  would  not  have 
been  the  holders,  and,  proverbially,  the  hardest  masters  of 
slaves". 

26.  It  is  an  appropriate  conclusion  of  this  subject  to  inform 
the  reader  that  while  the  landing  of  that  Dutch  slaver  at  James- 
town has  never  failed  to  make  its  appearance  in  the  works  of 
the   Northern   authors  who   have   been   for   many  generations 


26 

teaching  our  people  history  and  political  science,  that  voyage  of 
the  "Desire"  and  the  Fugitive-slave  law  adopted  by  the  New 
England  Confederation  have  never  been  mentioned  in  one  of 
them,  not  even  Bancroft's   elaborate   "History  of   the  United 

.States". 


CHAPTER  VI. 

New  England  Opposed  to  "Expanding"  the  Union. 

1.  In  1785,  the  year  after  Virginia  ceded  the  Northwest  Ter- 
ritory to  the  United  States,  a  committee  of  Congressmen,  com- 
posed of  eight  Northerners  and  four  Southerners,  reported  an 
ordinance  for  the  sale  of  land  in  that  Territory,  one  provision 
being  that  each  township  should  be  wholly  disposed  of  before 
any  land  in  another  could  be  sold,  thus  virtually  laying  a  plan 
to  prevent  the  settlement  of  the  public  lands,  and  a  creation  of 
more  States  which  might  not  sympathize  with  the  commercial 
section.  But  the  vigorous  and  united  opposition  of  Southern- 
ers, Grayson  and  Monroe  being  among  the  leaders,  assisted  by 
Northerners  from  non-commercial  States,  caused  this  provision 
to  be  rejected. 

2.  In  Maclay's  account  of  the  discussion  of  the  first  naturali- 
zation bill,  it  appears  that  New  Englanders  opposed  immigra- 
tion for  sectional  reasons.  He  says :  "The  same  illiberality  as 
was  apparent  on  other  occasions  possessed  the  New  England 
men.  Immigration  is  a  source  of  population  to  us  and  they  wish 
to  deprive  us  of  it". 

•3.  Referring  to  the  years  following  the  purchase  of  the  Louis- 
iana Territory,  Bancroft  says :  "An  ineradicable  dread  of  the 
coming  power  of  the  Southwest  lurked  in  New  England,  espec- 
ially Massachusetts". 

4.  In  Henry  Cabot  Lodge's  Life  of  George  Cabot,  who  had 
been  a  Senator  in  Congress  and  was  afterwards  President  of 
the  famous  Hartford  Convention,  it  is  stated  that  after  the 
Louisiana  purchase,  Mr.  Cabot,  as  well  as  other  distinguished 
New  Englanders,  expressed  great  dissatisfaction  because  of  the 
danger  of  the  diminution  of  "the  influence"  of  their  States  in 
Federal  legislation. 

5.  One  of  the  demands  of  the  Hartford  Convention  was  that 
the  Constitution  be  so  amended  that  "no  State  be  admitted  to 
the  Union  except  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  both  houses  of  Con- 
gress". 

6.  After  the  Louisiana  purchase  gave  promise  of  more  States 
which  would  likely  strengthen  the  South  and  convert  "the 
wealthy  colonies"  into  independent   States,  New  England  be- 


27 

came  alarmed  and  raised  a  bitter  cry  against  "the  expansion  of 
slavery" — a  cry  which  is  now  represented  in  all  the  books  I 
have  examined  to  have  been  an  opposition  to  slavery  per  se_  an 
evidence  of  a  "moral  awakening"  in  the  North,  and  a  proof 
that  that  section's  "humanity"  was  far  above  the  South's.  In 
volume  VII,  for  example,  of  John  Clark  Ridpath's  pretentious 
"History  of  the  World",  referring  to  this  "moral  awakening", 
he  says :  "The  conscience  of  the  nation" — the  North  being  the 
"nation" — "was  roused,  and  the  belief  began  to  prevail  that 
slavery  was  wrong  per  se,  and  ought  to  be  destroyed",  the  pre- 
sumption being  that  some  competent  power  had  authorized  the 
"nation"  to  destroy  it.  But  the  books  which  Mr.  Ridpath  had 
.studied  were  not  written  for  the  purpose  of  dealing  fairly  with 
the  South,  as  the  reader  will  perceive  if  he  will  examine  the 
pages  of  Belford's  "History  of  the  United  States",  Benton's 
"Thirty  Years'  View"  and  "Lippincott's  "Gazetteer"  (1857). 
In  these  he  will  discover  that,  in  a  few  years  after  [Ue  admis- 
sion of  Missouri,  attacks  on  abolitionists  in  the  North  com- 
menced, which  may  be  summed  up  briefly  as  follows : 

(a).  In  1834  "the  anti-slavery  agitation  was  creating  mob 
violence;  leading  abolitionists  were  brutally  attacked,  and  their 
dwellings,  together  with  a  number  of  churches,  school-houses, 
and  negro  homes  in  various  parts  of  the  country  destroyed ; 
Philadelphia  had  a  three  nights'  riot  in  which  the  mob  assaulted 
nearly  fifty  houses  inhabited  by  negroes" ;  and  Arthur  and 
Lewis  Tappan,  noted  abolitionists  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
were  mobbed,  the  house  of  the  latter  and  its  contents  being  de- 
stroyed. 

(b).  "Attacks  on  negroes  and  abolitionists  in  the  Northern 
States  were  of  daily  occurrence"  in  the  later  months  of  1835, 
such  agitators  as  William  Lloyd  Garrison  and  George  Thomp- 
son (Englishmen)  being  mobbed  in  Boston. 

(c).  In  this  same  year  an  angry  mob  broke  up  the  school  of 
Prudence  Crandall  in  Canterbury,  Connecticut,  because  she  ad- 
mitted negro  children  as  pupils ;  and  destroyed  valuable  prop- 
erty.    She  was  imprisoned  in  the  town  jail. 

(d).  In  this  same  year  George  Thompson  wrote  to  the 
Leeds  Mercury  that  "rewards  were  offered  for  his  abduction 
and  assassination" ;  that  "New  England  had  universally  sympa- 
thized with  the  South" ;  that  "in  every  direction  he  met  with 
those  who  believed  they  would  be  doing  God  and  their  country 
service  by  depriving  him  of  life" ;  and  Senator  Isaac  Hill,  of 
New  Hampshire,  stated  that  Thompson  "had  escaped  from 
Concord  in  the  night,  and  in  woman's  clothes". 

(e).  In  1837  Rev.  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy,  publisher  of  an  aboli- 
tion newspaper  in  Alton,  Illinois,  was  killed  by  a  mob,  and  his 
printing  establishment  destroyed. 


28 

(f).  In  1838  the  Pennsylvania  Hall,  belonging  to  the  aboli- 
tionists of  Philadelphia,  was  attacked  by  a  mob  and  burned,  the 
Shelter  for  the  Colored  Orphans  was  fired,  and  the  negro  quar- 
ters attacked. 

(g).  In  1838  John  G.  Whittier,  now  famous  for  his  calumn- 
ious "Barbara  Frietchie"  and  "Astraea  at  the  Capital",  "faced 
an  enraged  mob"  in  Philadelphia,  which  destroyed  his  printing 
office  where  his  abolition  newspaper,  the  Pennsylvania  Freeman,, 
was  published. 

(h).  In  September,  1841,  an  angry  mob  in  Cincinnati  de- 
stroyed several  houses  belonging  to  abolitionists. 

(i).  Far  into  the  "fifties",  as  we  are  told  in  Alden's  Mani- 
fold Cyclopaedia,  Wendell  Phillips  delivered  his  abolition  ad- 
dresses "in  the  face  of  threatened  attacks  of  mobs" ;  or,  as  Gen.. 
Donn  Piatt  tells  it,  "he  was  ostracized  in  Boston  and  rotten- 
egged  in  Cincinnati". 

7.  After  the  policy  of  sectional  protection  which  was  adopted 
in  1824  was  made  more  objectionable  and  offensive  to  "the  old 
plantation  States"  by  the  passage  of  the  tariff  act  of  1828 — run- 
ning, for  examples,  woolen  blankets  from  25  to  35  per  cent., 
Brussels  and  Turkey  carpets  from  50  to  70  cents  per  square 
yard,  ready-made  clothing  from  30  to  50  per  cent.,  woolen  socks 
and  stockings  from  20  to  35  per  cent.,  cotton  bagging  from 
3%  to  4!/2  cents  per  square  yard,  manufactures  of  wool  from 
30  to  40  per  cent.,  and  continuing  black  quart  bottles  for  the 
rum  trade  on  the  free  list — the  necessity  of  preventing  any  "ex- 
pansion" of  the  Southern  States  led  Senator  Foot  of  Connecti- 
cut the  next  year  (1829)  to  introduce  in  the  Senate  a  Resolution 
of  Inquiry  which,  in  the  judgment  of  Southern  Senators,  was 
evidently  intended  to  further  plans  to  check  the  settlement  of 
the  lands  west  of  the  Mississippi  River.  Mr.  Hayne  of  South 
Carolina  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  exposing  and  criticizing  the 
purpose  of  the  Northeastern  States. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

How  the  North  Respects  Compacts. 

1.  On  April  1,  1783,  while  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation 
was  planning,  at  the  urgent  request  of  Northerners,  to  have  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  amended  so  as  to  substitute  popula- 
tion for  land  as  a  basis  of  taxation  in  each  State,  and  Southern- 
ers were  objecting  to  New  England's  demand  that  all  slaves 
should  be  included  in  a  State's  "Federal  population",  Mr.  Gor- 
ham,  of  Massachusetts,  gave  as  "a  cogent  reason  for  hastening 


29 

that  business,  that  the  Eastern  States,  at  the  invitation  of  Mass- 
achusetts, were,  with  New  York,  about  to  form  a  Convention  for 
regulating  matters  of  common  concern" — to  violate  the  second 
clause  of  the  6th  of  "The  Articles  of  Confederation". 

This  threat  induced  the  Southerners,  who  were  anxious  to 
perpetuate  the  Union,  to  consent  to  include  three-fifths  of  the 
slaves  in  the  Federal  population.  But  when  the  Convention  of 
1787  was  endeavoring  to  agree  upon  a  just  basis  on  which  "rep- 
resentatives and  direct  taxes"  should  be  apportioned  among  the 
States,  New  England  strongly  insisted  that  no  slaves  be  in- 
cluded in  the  Federal  population.  That  is  to  say:  It  was  just 
to  apportion  the  burdens  of  the  members  of  the  Confederation 
according  to  their  wealth-producing  power;  but  it  was  unjust 
to  permit  the  Southern  States  to  be  represented  in  the  law-mak- 
ing body  of  the  Union  in  proportion  to  their  wealth-producing 
power.  And  this  old  spirit  of  sectional  injustice  appears  among 
the  demands  of  the  Hartford  Convention. 

2.  In  1787  the  famous  Ordinance  for  the  government  of  the 
Northwest  Territory  was  adopted  by  eight  States,  and  the 
5,000,000  acres  of  land  in  Ohio  were  sold  by  the  same  States,  al- 
though the  pledge  to  the  land  States  in  1780  declared  that  the 
lands  should  be  granted  or  settled  "under  such  regulations  as 
shall  hereafter  be  agreed  on  by  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  or  nine  or  more  of  them". 

3.  When  Georgia  and  North  Carolina  ceded  the  lands  which 
became  Tennessee,  Alabama  and  Mississippi,  it  was  expressly 
agreed  between  them  and  "the  United  States",  that  "no  regula- 
tions made  or  to  be  made  shall  tend  to  emancipate  slaves"  in  the 
-ceded  territory. 

4.  When  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  made  cessions 
■of  their  "waste  lands,"  one  of  the  conditions  agreed  to  by  all 
parties  was  that  these  lands  should  be  "considered  as  a  common 
fund  for  the  use  and  benefit"  of  all  the  States,  *  *  *  "ac- 
cording to  their  usual  respective  proportions  in  the  general 
charge  and  expenditure,  and  shall  be  faithfully  and  bona  fide 
disposed  of  for  that  purpose,  and  for  no  other  use  or  purpose 
whatsoever".  But  the  reports  of  the  General  Land  Office  show 
that  this  condition  has  been  shamefully  disregarded. 

5.  When  the  lands  west  of  the  Mississippi  were  purchased, 
and  the  taxing  system  of  the  Federal  government  compelled  I  he 
Southern  people  to  contribute  most  of  the  purchase  money,  it 
cannot  be  claimed  that  it  was  intended,  or  that  it  would  be  just, 
to  deny  that  these  lands  should  be  "considered  as  a  common 
fund  for  the  use  and  benefit"  of  all  the  States.  But,  as  Senator 
Plumb,  of  Kansas,  said  in  the  United  States  Senate  on  Sep- 
tember 25,  1888,  these  lands  have  been  so  disposed  of  as  to  "mul- 
tiply, develop  and  strengthen  the  North", 


30 

6.  The  Constitution  says  that  Congress  shall  "provide  for 
calling  forth  the  militia  to  *  *  *  repel  invasion" ;  hut 
when  the  British  invaded  the  United  States  in  1812,  and  the 
militia  of  the  States  was  legally  called  for,  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut  refused  to  obey  the  call. 

7.  In  the  winter  of  1813-11,  the  Federal  authorities  having 
learned  that  the  British  squadrons  on  the  coast  of  New  England 
were  being  supplied  with  provisions  by  "small  vessels  and  boats", 
Congress  passed  an  act  to  stop  this  giving  "aid  and  comfort" 
to  the  enemy ;  but  the  threats  of  Xew  Englanders  to  disrupt  the 
Union  frightened  the  Congress,  and  this  act  was  repealed  four 
days  before  it  adjourned. 

8.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  it  stood  un- 
amended up  to  1798  declared  that  the  "judicial  power"  should 
extend  to  controversies  "between  a  State  and  citizens  of  another 
State" ;  but  when  Massachusetts  was  sued  by  a  citizen  of  an- 
other State  in  1793,  Governor  John  Hancock  refused  to  obey 
the  order  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  suit  was  thrown  out 
of  Court. 

9.  The  Constitution  declares  that  "no  State  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  Congress,  *  *  *  enter  into  any  agreement  or 
compact  with  another  State" ;  but  in  1814  the  Massachusetts 
legislature  invited  the  other  New  England  States  to  unite  with 
her  in  holding  the  "Hartford  Convention",  the  object  being,  as 
was  generally  understood,  to  threaten  secession  and  co-eree  the 
Madison  administration  to  put  a  stop  to  the  war,  although,  as 
the  Statesman's  Manual  declares,  "the  war  may  be  said  to  have 
been  a  measure  of  the  South  and  West  to  take  care  of  the  inter- 
ests of  the  North". 

10.  When  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  adopted, 
it  contained  Nathan  Dane's  fugitive-slave  law;  but  within  a  few 
years  after  1850  this  law  was  nullified  bv  thirteen  Northern 
States  whose  law-makers  were  under  a  solemn  oath  to  support 
it,  and  who  had  been  for  twenty  years  denouncing  South  Caro- 
lina for  nullifying  an  act  of  Congress.  And  here  I  deem  it  im- 
portant and  instructive  to  repeat  what  was  said  about  this  nulli- 
fication by  two  distina'uished  statesmen  : 

(a).  In  January,  1850.  Senator  Jere  Clemens,  of  Alabama, 
commenting  in  a  speech  on  the  conduct  of  the  milliners,  said : 
"To  us  in  Alabama  this  law  has  no  necuniarv  value.  But  there 
are  other  lights  in  which  we  view  it.  If  a  plain  provision  of 
the  Constitution  can  be  nullified  at  will,  we  have  no  security 
that  other  provisions  may  not  meet  a  similar  fate,  bringing  a 
state  of  things,  compared  with  which  revolution,  with  all  its 
admitted  horrors  would  be  trifling  indeed.  Convince  me  that 
this  law  cannot  be  executed,  and  you  convince  me  that  this  gov- 
ernment is  and  ought  to  be  at  an  end" ;  and 


31 

(b).  In  June,  1851,  Daniel  Webster,  whose  debates  with- 
Messrs.  Hayne  and  Calhoun  are  represented  by  about  all  jSTorth- 
ern  writers  to  have  demonstrated  that  the  Federal  government 
was  created  by  "the  People",  and  not  by  the  States,  and  that 
consequently  the  States  bear  about  the  same  relation  to  it  as  a 
County  does  to  its  State,  delivered  an  address  at  Capon  Springs, 
Virginia,  in  which  he  said :  "How  absurd  it  is  to  suppose  that, 
when  different  parties  enter  into  a  compact  for  certain  pur- 
poses, either  can  disregard  any  one  provision  and  expect,  never- 
theless, the  other  to  observe  the  rest.  *  *  *  A  bargain  can- 
not be  broken  on  one  side,  and  still  bind  the  other  side". 

11.  The  Constitution  declares  that  "if  a  person  charged  in 
any  State  with  treason,  felony  or  other  crime"  flees  to  another 
State,  the  latter  shall,  on  demand  of  the  Governor  of  the  injured 
State,  surrender  him ;  but  when  two  of  the  criminals  who  served 
under  John  Brown  when  he  invaded  Virginia,  fled,  one  to  Ohio 
and  the  other  to  Iowa,  the  Governors  of  those  States  refused  to 
comply  with  the  demand  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia  for  their 
surrender. 

12.  When  the  "more  perfect  Union"  was  formed,  each  State 
retained  what  Mr.  Jefferson  called  "interior  government",  and 
it  is  beyond  question  that  the  new  Constitution  would  have 
been  unanimously  rejected  if  it  had  been  expected  that  the  Fed- 
eral government  would  ever  assume  to  interfere  in  matters 
purely  local,  but  "the  Xorth"  forced  the  14th  amendment  into 
the  Constitution  by  destroying  some  of  the  States  and  erecting 
in  them  governments  which  did  not  represent  the  hereditary 
citizens ;  and  this  amendment  subjects  the  States  to  the  offensive 
supervision  of  judges  who  have  for  forty  years  been  chosen  bv 
"the  North". 

13.  The  Constitution  declares  that  "no  new  State  shall  be 
formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State" : 
but  in  1863  thirty-nine  of  Virginia's  counties  were  cut  off  by 
"the  Xorth"  and  erected  into  West  Virginia. 

14.  When  Thaddeus  Stevens  of  Pennsylvania,  Zachariah 
-Chandler  of  Michigan,  Benjamin  F.  Wade  of  Ohio,  and  other 
leaders  of  the  Republican  party  were  balked  in  their  scheme  to 
degrade  and  insult  the  Southern  people  by  inserting  into  the 
Constitution  their  14th  Amendment,  because  no  Southern  State 
would  consent  to  its  own  degradation,  and  only  twenty-one  of 
the  other  States  were  willing  to  assist  in  the  disgraceful  move- 
ment, these  statesmen  passed  their  "reconstruction  measures", 
destroyed  the  Southern  States,  and  erected  in  the  borders  of  each 
what  "was  known  as  a  "carpet-bag"  government,  in  violation  of 
the  fundamental  principles  for  which  our  forefathers  contended 
in  the  Revolutionary  War,  in  violation  of  well  known  provisions 
of  the  Compact  of  Union  between  the  States,  and  in  violation 


32 

of  their  official  oaths.  Thousands  of  hereditary  voters  were 
disfranchised,  the  "carpet-bagger"  who  was  not  a  citizen  was 
given  supervision  of  the  election  for  members  of  a  so-called  Con- 
stitutional Convention  in  each  province,  and  a  ballot  was  placed 
in  the  hand  of  every  colored  man  (although  no  such  persons 
could  vote  in  Pennsylvania,  Ohio  or  Michigan).  Of  the  charac- 
ter of  these  "carpet-bag"  governments  the  reader  may  get  a 
glimpse  in  the  following  statement  made  by  Charles  Nordhoff 
(a  Prussian),  who  in  those  days  was  a  trusted  correspondent  of 
the  New  York  Herald : 

"When  in  New  Orleans  last  Wednesday  (April,  1875)  I  for 
the  first  time  saw  negro  legislators  I  was  unpleasantly  startled — 
not  because  they  were  black,  but  because  they  were  transpar- 
ently ignorant  and  unfit  *  *  *  openly  plundering  the 
State,  bribed  by  rascally  whites,  and  not  merely  enjoying,  but 
under  the  lead  of  white  adventurers" — "carpet-baggers" — 
"shamefully  abusing  place  and  power." 

15.  An  appropriate  postscript  to  this  exposition  of  sectional 
infidelity  and  injustice  is  the  fact  that,  with  very  few  excep- 
tions, the  most  conspicuous  and  the  most  bitter  advocates  of  the 
confiscation  of  the  property  of  the  Southern  people  and  of  the 
enactment  of  the  outrageous  "Reconstruction  Measures"  were 
natives  of  New  England,  as  Charles  Sumner,  Thaddeus  Stevens, 
Zach.  Chandler,  Jacob  M.  Howard,  Benjamin  P.  Wade,  Henry 
Wilson,  George  F.  Edmunds,  Charles  A.  Dana,  Henry  Ward 
Beecher,  George  S.  Boutwell,  James  G.  Blaine,  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin ;  and  that  two  others,  namely, 
John  Sherman  and  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  were  of  Puritan  descent, 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Why  Was  the  Confederacy  Invaded. 

1.  In  1856  the  Republican  party  adopted  its  first  platiorm, 
and  nominated  its  first  candidate  (Fremont)  for  President; 
and  in  its  platform,  after  a  bitter  cry  against  the  "expansion  of 
slavery",  it  said : 

"Resolved,  That  *  *  *  the  Federal  Constitution,  the 
rights  of  the  States  and  the  Union  of  the  States  shall  be  pre- 
served". 

2.  In  1860  this  party  adopted  its  second  platform,  and  nomi- 
nated its  second  candidate  (Lincoln)  for  President;  and  in  its 
platform,  besides  continuing  the  cry  against  the  "expansion  of 
slavery",  it  said : 

"Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of 
the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and 


33 

control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judg- 
ment exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which 
the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends; 
and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force" — John 
Brown  ? — "of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under 
what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes". 

3.  In  President  Lincoln's  first  inaugural  address,  he  said : 

"I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful 
right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so". 

4.  A  few  davs  after  the  battle  of  Manassas  (July,  1861),  with 
"a  close  approach  to  unanimity",  as  Bancroft  tells  us,  the  Urit- 
tenden  Resolution  was  adopted  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  de- 
claring that  the  war  was  "not  for  conquest  or  for  interfering 
with  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  States". 

5.  In  Rice's  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln",  Donn 
Piatt,  of  Ohio,  who  was  a  General  in  the  Northern  #rniy,  ap- 
pears as  a  contributor.  Among  the  interesting  statements  made 
by  him  are  the  folio  wing :  "He  (Lincoln)  knew  and  saAv  clearly 
that  the  people  of  the  free  States  had,  not  only,  no  sympathy 
with  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  held  fanatics,  as  Abolitionists 
were  called,  in  utter  abhorrence.  *  *  *  The  unrequited 
toil  of  the  slave  was  more  valuable  to  the  North  than  to  the 
South.  *  *  *  They  (slave-holders)  made,  without  saving, 
all  that  we  accumulated.  *  *  *  I  remember  when  the 
Hutchinsons  were  driven  from  the  camps  of  the  Potomac 
(McClellan's)  army  for  singing  their  abolition  songs,  and  I  re- 
member well  that  for  two  years  nearly  of  our  service  as  soldiers 
we  were  engaged  in  returning  slaves  to  their  masters,  when  the 
poor  creatures  sought  shelter  in  our  lines". 

6.  One  of  the  contributors  to  Rice's  "Reminiscences",  &c,  was 
George  W.  Julian,  the  "Free  Soil"  candidate  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  1852,  an  Indiana  Congressman  from  1860  to  1870,  and 
an  advocate  of  confiscating  all  the  property  of  "rebels'*.  Dis- 
cussing the  issuance  of  Lincoln's  "emancipation  proclamation", 
he  says : 

"Few  subjects  have  been  more  debated  and  less  understood 
than  the  Proclamation  of  Emancipation.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  him- 
self opposed  to  the  measure". 

7.  The  sole  object  of  the  invasion  and  subjugation  of  the  Con- 
federate States  must,  therefore,  have  been  to  drive  them  back 
into  the  Union  and  keep  them  as  "wealthy  colonies" ;  and  the 
time  may  not  be  far  off  when  just  men  will  wonder  what  sort 
of  a  moral  code  it  was  which  held  that  all  generations  of  South- 
erners were  bound  to  labor  for  the  "prosperity"  of  the  North 
because  their  Revolutionary  ancestors  carried  their  States  into 
a  partnership  with  the  Northern  States. 


34 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Historic   Injustice — Southern    Sentiment   About   Emanci- 
pation. 

1.  On  February  24,  1824,  Thomas  Jefferson  addressed  a  let- 
ter to  Jared  Sparks,  a  New  Englander,  who  then  edited  tht* 
North  American  Review,  urging  his  plans  for  emancipating  the 
slaves  and  deporting  them  to  Sierra  Leone ;  and  on  January  25, 
1832,  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates  passed  a  resolution  de- 
claring it  "expedient  to  adopt  some  legislative  enactment  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery". 

2.  During  the  session  of  Congress  which  began  on  the  first 
Monday  of  December,  1829,  Senator  Thomas  H.  Benton,  of  Mis- 
souri, while  the  Foot  resolution  was  being  discussed,  said :  "I 
can  truly  say  that  slavery,  in  the  abstract,  has  but  few  advo- 
cates or  defenders  in  the  slave-holding  States,  and  that  slavery 
as  it  is,  »n  hereditary  institution,  descended  upon  us  from  our 
ancestors,  would  have  fewer  advocates  among  us  than  it  has,  if 
those  who  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  subject  would  only  let  us 
alone.  The  sentiment  in  favor  of  slavery  was  much  weaker 
before  those  intermeddlers  began  their  operations  than  it  is  at 
present". 

3.  On  June  20,  1832,  William  Gaston,  delivering  the  Literary 
Address  before  the  students  of  the  University  of  North  Carolina, 
urged  the  importance  of  devising  a  plan  of  liberating  the  slaves. 
He  said :  "On  you,  too,  will  devolve  the  duty  which  has  been  too 
long  neglected,  but  which  cannot  with  impunity  be  neglected 
much  longer,  of  providing  for  the  mitigation,  and  (is  it  too 
much  to  hope  for  North  Carolina?)  for  the  ultimate  extirpation 
of  the  worst  evil  that  afflicts  the  Southern  part  of  our  Confed- 
eracy. *  *  *  How  tins  evil  is  to  be  encountered,  how  sub- 
dued, is  indeed  a  difficult  and  delicate  inquiry,  which  this  is  not 
the  time  to  examine,  nor  the  occasion  to  discuss.  I  felt,  how- 
ever, that  I  could  not  discharge  my  duty  without  referring  to 
this  subject",  &c. 

4.  In  Henry  Howe's  "Historical  Collections  of  Virginia", 
which  was  published  in  1845,  he  says  that  the  movement  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  Virginia  was  checked  by  the  machina- 
tions of  certain  Northern  reformers  who  claimed  a  sort  of  Di- 
vine appointment  to  supervise  the  South.  Referring  to  these 
overseers  of  the  Southern  people,  he  says :  "There  were  obvious 
causes  in  operation  which  paralyzed  the  friends  of  abolition,  and 
have  had  the  effect  of  silencing  all  agitation  on  the  subject" ; 
and  confirming  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Howe,  President  Jackson, 
in  his  annual  message  of  December  2,  1835,  referring  to  the 
mischievous  labors  of  Northern  abolitionists,  said :  "I  must  also 


35 

invite  your  attention  to  the  painful  excitement  produced  in  the 
South,  by  attempts  to  circulate,  through  the  mails,  inflamma- 
tory appeals  addressed  to  the  passions  of  the  slaves,  in  prints, 
and  in  various  sorts  of  publications,  calculated  to  stimulate  them 
to  insurrection,  and  to  produce  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war." 


NORTHERN  BLINDNESS. 

1.  In  his  "Old  Virginia  and  Her  Neighbors",  John  Fiske 
(appointed  instructor  in  history  in  Harvard  1870;  appointed 
lecturer  on  American  history  in  Washington  University,  St. 
Louis,  Missouri,  1881 ;  appointed  Professor  of  that  branch  in 
that  institution  1884;  was  a  lecturer  on  that  subject  in  Univer- 
sity College,  London,  1879,  and  in  the  Royal  Institution  of 
Great  Britain  in  1880)  says  on  page  181  that  "after  the  final 
suppression  of  the  slave  trade  in  1808  and  the  consequent  in- 
creased demand  for  Virginia-bred  slaves,  the  thought  of  emanci- 
pation vanished  from  the  memory  of  man". 

2.  On  the  night  of  March  3,  1801,  John  Adams,  the  retiring 
President,  left  the  Federal  Capital  so  as  to  avoid  sharing  in  the 
ceremonies  attending  the  inauguration  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  thus 
exhibiting  a  sectional  antipathy  which  has  either  been  kept  out 
of  the  works  of  standard  Northern  authors  or  has  been  misrep- 
resented, as  can  be  seen  in  Alden's  Manifold  Cyclopaedia  and  in 
the  Encyclopaedia  Brittanica  (with  "American  Revisions  and 
Additions").  In  the  sketch  of  the  life  of  John  Adams  in  each 
of  these  works,  the  contest  between  the  friends  of  these  two  can- 
didates in  1800  is  represented  to  have  been  a  struggle  between 
"freedom"  and  "slavery".  Alden  says :  "The  slave  power  was 
also  beginning  to  be  a  factor  in  domestic  politics,  under  the 
leadership,  of  Jefferson,  and  so,  on  the  election  of  his  rival 
to  the  Presidential  chair,  Adams  vacated  the  office  without  even 
waiting  to  see  his  successor  take  his  seat". 

But  this  same  Cyclopaedia  says  that  in  1804  Massachusetts 
cast  her  nineteen  electoral  votes  for  Mr.  Jefferson ! 

3.  On  February  13,  1860,  the  New  York  Tribune  spread  this 
falsehood  all  over  the  North : 

"We  were  apprised  by  the  official  returns  of  1850,  that  the 
lands  of  the  South  were  held  by  a  small  number  of  proprietors, 
and  the  residue  of  white  citizens  were  without  property,  and 
therefore  were  in  serfdom.  *  *  *  The  white  population  of 
the  South,  other  than  the  great  land  proprietors,  have  no  inter- 
est in  the  soil",  &c.  And  as  late  as  1888  George  W.  Julian,  one 
of  the  "reconstruction"  statesmen  who  has  been  already  referred 
to,  said  in  Rice's  "Reminiscences",  &c. :  "The  nation  was  strug- 


36    ' 

gling  for  its  life  against  a  rebellious  aristocracy  founded  on  the- 
monopoly  of  land  and  the  ownership  of  slaves" — the  "North" 
being  "the  nation". 

But  the  census  of  1850  shows  that  in  Virginia,  ISTorth  Caro- 
lina, South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama  and  Mississippi  there 
were  291,626  landholders,  of  whom  91,797  owned  no  slaves.  And 
this  census  shows  that,  counting  five  white  persons  to  a  family, 
50  per  cent,  of  the  families  in  these  six  Southern  States  owned 
no  farms,  and  that  the  farmless  families  in  Ohio  were  63  per 
cent,  of  the  total.  Possibly  the  Tribune  and  Mr.  Julian,  if 
they  had  desired  to  know  the  truth,  may  have  discovered  that 
thousands  of  lawyers,  doctors,  teachers,  merchants,  preachers,, 
railroad  and  steamboat  employees,  and  persons  engaged  in  other 
business  occupations  had  no  use  for  farms  or  slaves. 


CHAPTER  X. 

An  Unavoidable  Sequence. 

Searching  among  the  most  trustworthy  records  of  the  social 
and  political  institutions  of  ancient  and  niadiasval  nations  for 
the  causes  which  led  to  periods  of  exceptional  moral  degrada- 
tion, I  have  been  convinced  by  Gibbon,  Milman,  Hallam  and 
others  that  every  such  period  has  followed  and  resulted  from  a 
repudiation  of  the  popular  Divinities  by  the  honored  leaders  of 
the  people  and  the  consequent  weakening  of  the  binding  power 
of  their  hereditary  moral  code.  This  repudiation  often,  if  not 
invariably,  resulted  from  hostile  conflicts  between  nations  or 
tribes  which  had  inherited  different  religious  systems  and  wor- 
shipped different  gods ;  and  in  many  cases  there  resulted  an  in- 
fidelity in  both  combatants.  The  struggle  to  introduce  Chris- 
tianity into  the  Roman  empire,  with  its  provinces  and  dependen- 
cies worshipping  all  sorts  of  gods,  from  a  stone  up  to  Jupiter, 
furnishes  many  illustrations  of  this  truth ;  appalling  pictures  of 
depravity  throughout  the  Byzantine  empire,  in  France,  in  Asia 
Minor,  and  in  some  of  the  famous  cities,  during  three  or  four 
centuries  following  the  decree  adopting  Christianity,  render  al- 
most every  page  of  their  history  revolting  to  this  enlightened 

age- 
Coming  nearer  to  our  own  time,  we  find  the  evidence  fur- 
nished by  the  records  of  the  early  religious  struggles  corrob- 
orated by  the  results  of  the  contest  between  the  Puritans  and 
their  opponents ;  and  it  seems  to  be  beyond  cavil  that  whenever 
the  trusted  leaders  of  the  people,  whether  social,  civil,  political 
or  religious,  cease  to  respect  the  moral  code  of  their  fathers  and 
mothers  and  surrender  themselves  to  the  control  of  vindictive, 


37 

selfish  or  mere  animal  sentiments,  a  gradual  decay  of  civic  vir- 
tue sets  in,  and  no  class  of  the  people  can  escape  the  infection 
•of  the  prevailing  vice. 

Convinced  that  we  have  now  a  key  to  the  solution  of  the  prob- 
lem presented  by  the  political  and  social  corruption  which  has 
been  for  a  generation  saddening  the  hearts  of  all  the  wise  and 
noble  men  and  women  who  have  firmly  held  on  to  the  ideals  of 
their  mothers  and  fathers ;  and  searching  among  the  records  of 
our  recent  past  for  the  foundation  stone  on  which  present  con- 
ditions rest,  I  found  it  in  1861,  when  the  Republican  party  came 
into  power  and  rejected  the  moral  code  on  which  stood  an  en- 
viable civic  righteousness,  and  substituted  for  it  a  new  law  which 
may  be  detected  in  the  acts  and  the  assertions  of  honored  leaders 
of  that  party,  of  which  the  three  following  will  be  enough  for 
our  purpose : 

1.  On  October  4,  1900,  Hon.  Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  War, 
delivered  a  speech  at  Canton,  Ohio,  in  which  he  said: 

"Nothing  can  be  more  mischievous  than  a  principle  misap- 
plied. The  doctrine  that  government  derives  its  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed  was  applicable  to  the  condi- 
tions for  which  Jefferson  wrote  it  and  to  the  people  to  whom 
he  applied  it.  *  *  *  Lincoln  did  not  apply  it  to  the  South, 
and  the  great  struggle  of  the  Civil  War  was  a  solemn  assertion 
by  the  American  people" — that  is,  the  people  of  the  Northern 
States — "that  there  are  other  principles  of  law  and  liberty  which 
limit  the  application  of  the  doctrine  of  consent.  Government 
does  not  depend  upon  consent." 

2.  On  Julv  6,  1861,  two  days  after  Congress  met  in  extra  ses- 
sion, Senator  Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  introduced  a 
resolution  to  approve  as  constitutional  certain  acts  of  President 
Lincoln  which  the  whole  body  of  Senators  knew  to  be  unconsti- 
tutional, and  some  of  which  are  mentioned  and  admitted  to  be 
"without  authority  of  law"  in  President  Lincoln's  message  of 
May  26,  1862,  as  the  drawing  of  money  out.  of  the  Federal  treas- 
ury, the  increasing  of  the  military  force,  the  purchasing  of  ves- 
sels for  naval  purposes,  the  blockading  of  the  ports  of  the  South- 
ern States,  and  the  suspending  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus 
wherever  he  pleased — a  resolution  which  was  never  permitted 
to  come  to  a  vote.     And — 

3.  In  the  summer  of  1863,  President  Lincoln  and  his  followers 
in  Congress  cut  off  thirty-nine  Virginia  counties  and  admitted 
them  into  partnership  with  the  other  States  as  West  Virginia. 
This  was  in  violation  of  an  express  provision  of  that  Constitu- 
tion which  all  these  statesmen  had  solemnly  sworn  to  support ; 
and  if  anything  like  this  had  been  done  in  private  life,  the  per- 
petrators would  have  been  rewarded  by  a  sojourn  in  some  peni- 
tentiary. 


38 

Thus  we  have  it  acknowledged  by  the  highest  authority  that 
the  Republican  party  entered  upon  that  career  which  seems  to> 
challenge  formidable  opposition  in  the  Northern  States,  under 
the  leadership  of  a  man  who  rejected  the  only  claim  of  our  Revo- 
lutionary sires  which  the  civilized  world  has  admitted  to  have 
been  a  valid  excuse  for  overthrowing  British  rule  in  the  thir- 
teen States,  and  thus  re-established,  so  far  as  he  could,  the 
Mediaeval  rule  for  the  guidance  of  strong  communities  when 
dealing  with  weak  ones ;  who  repudiated  the  binding  force  of  an 
official  oath,  and  thus  destroyed  the  sanctity  of  a  solemn  appeal 
to  the  Almigthy,  and  the  safeguards  against  perjury  in  courts 
of  justice ;  and  who  taught  his  followers  that  in  our  dealings 
with  our  fellow  men  we  have  no  guide  above  expediency. 

Such  was  the  man  who  is  held  up  before  our  children  to-day 
as  "greater  than  Washington"  and  the  equal  of  any  of  the  fa- 
mous statesmen  and  patriots  who  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
civilization  of  our  fathers  and  mothers.  ISTow  let  us  look  over 
the  ground  and  see  some  of  the  results  of  this  new  code  of 
morals — this  obliteration  of  the  boundary  between  right  and. 
wrong,  and  acceptance  of  the  doctrine  that  might  makes  right : 

1.  After  fighting  four  years  to  "save  the  Union  and  the  Con- 
stitution," the  Republican  party  set  aside  the  Constitution  and 
destroyed  the  Southern  States  by  passing  the  "Reconstruction 
Measures."  In  other  words,  the  leaders  of  that  party  com- 
mitted what  every  one  of  them  knew  to  be  perjury. 

2.  Soon  after  the  war  John  C.  Fremont,  the  Republican 
party's  first  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  in  partnership  with, 
other  distinguished  leaders  of  that  party,  undertook  the  building 
of  a  railroad  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Pacific  ocean.  While 
engaged  in  raising  the  necessary  funds,  Fremont,  his  brother-in- 
law  and  his  secretary,  went  to  France,  "flooded  the  small  mon- 
eyed classes  in  Paris  with  circulars,  pamphlets  and  maps,  out- 
rageously distorting  the  physical  geography  of  the  United  States 
to  serve  their  purposes  and  setting  forth  grossly  untruthful 
statements,  and  received  thousands  of  dollars  for  bonds  utterly 
worthless.''"  Prosecutions  in  the  French  courts  led  to  the  con- 
viction of  all  three  as  swindlers,  and  orders  for  their  imprison- 
ment ;  but  Fremont  and  his  secretary  sneaked  out  of  France  in 
the  darkness  of  night.  In  1878,  however,  three  years  after  this 
conviction,  this  criminal  was  appointed  governor  of  Arizona  by 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  another  representative  of  the  new  moral 
code. 

3.  After  Fremont's  swindling  operations  had  been  fully  ex- 
plained to  Congress  by  reports  from  Elihu  B.  Washburn,  United 
States  minister  at  Paris,  James  G.  Blaine,  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  called  late  at  night  on  the  chairman  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Pacific  Railroads,  and  "plead  and  urged'" 


39 

that  lie  withdraw  his  objections  to  the  passage  of  a  bill  to  "aid 
Gen.  Fremont  and  others  in  the  construction"  of  the  before-men- 
tioned railroad — and  to  do  so  "in  the  interest  of  the  Republican 
party." 

4.  In  1872,  while  Congress  was  considering  measures  to  make 
donations  to  the  company  which  was  engaged  in  building  the 
Pacific  Railway,  it  was  "publicly  charged  that  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent Schuyler  Colfax),  the  Vice-President-elect  (Henry  Wil- 
son), the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  (Lott  M.  Morrill),  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  (J.  G.  Blaine),  and  several  United  States 
Senators  and  Representatives  had  accepted  presents  of  stock  ten- 
dered to  influence  them  in  favor  of  the  railroad  company.  A 
committee  of  investigation  was  appointed  by  the  House  in  De- 
cember, and  in  the  following  February  it  recommended  the  ex- 
pulsion of  Oakes  Ames,  of  Massachusetts,  and  James  Brooks,  of 
New  York."  As  to  other  criminals  the  committee  did  not  push 
the  investigation,  and  when  asked  the  reason,  one  of  them  re- 
plied that  "the  scent  was  getting  too  hot."   • 

Lack  of  space  will  not  permit  me  to  give  even  a  partial  list  of 
the  noted  crimes  of  the  Republican  party,  or  to  go  into  particu- 
lars to  prove  that  the  manners  and  customs  of  large  portions 
of  the  country  have  descended  to  the  level  established  by  that 
party's  new  moral  code;  and  hence  I  close  this  branch  of  the 
subject  by  quoting  what  has  been  said  by  four  gentlemen  whose 
testimony  will  not  be  questioned  anywhere  in  this  country : 

1.  In  the  summer  of  1876,  while  William  W.  Belknap,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  was  on  trial  for  corrupt  practices — and  36 
out  of  61'  senators  voted  to  convict  him,  Representative  G.  F. 
Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  said :  "I  have  seen  in  that  State  which 
is  foremost  in  power  and  wealth,  four  judges  of  her  courts  im- 
peached for  corruption,  and  the  political  administration  of  her 
chief  city  become  a  disgrace  and  a  by-word  throughout  the 
world.  I  have  seen  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  *  *  •  *  rise  in  his  place  and  demand  the  expulsion 
of  four  of  his  associates  for  making  sale  of  their  official  privi- 
lege of  selecting  the  youths  to  be  educated  at  our  great  military 
school,"  etc. 

2.  Six  years  ago  the  Rev.  Morgan  Dix  delivered  the  Thanks- 
giving sermon  in  Trinity  church,  ISTew  York,  saying,  among 
other  things:  "Class  legislation;  the  insolence  of  wealth  and  the 
angry  discontent  of  the  poor;  the  growth  of  luxuries,  riotous 
living;  the  misuse  of  money,  and  its  reckless  squandering  on 
pleasure  and  pride;  education  without  religion,  the  steady 
breaking  up  of  homes  by  divorce,  and  adulterous  remarriages ; 
the  appearance  of  vast  systems  of  religious  imposture,  and  their 
success  in  making  converts ;  the  spirit  of  gambling  in  every  place 
where  it  can  be  practiced;  the  cold-blooded  assaults  on  private 
property  by  those  who  attack  corporations  and  drag  them  down 


-to 

to  bankruptcy  for  their  own  advantage,  in  order  to  enrich  them- 
selves by  the  losses  which  their  acts  bring  about ;  *  ■  *  * 
the  steady  decline  of  womanhood,"  etc. 

3.  In  March,  1900,  the  Springfield  (Mass.)  Republican,  re- 
ferring to  the  greed  of  the  privileged  ship-builders  in  this  coun- 
try, said: 

"Some  of  the  ship-owners  have  been  making  a  very  handsome 
thing  out  of  the  government's  imperial  transport  service.  It 
appears  from  a  statement  submitted  to  Congress  last  week  by 
Secretary  Root  that  the  government  has  paid  in  two  years  for 
the  mere  use  of  some  of  the  transports  sums  greater  than  their 
assessed  valuation.  Thus  the  owners  of  the  transport  Senator, 
valued  at  $400,000,  have  received  within  two  years  $534,375 
for  the  use  of  the  vessel  between  San  Francisco  and  Manila. 
This  was  net  profit ;  for  the  government  has  met  the  expense  of 
refitting  the  ship  and  the  expense  of  operating  it.  Three  other 
transports  owned  by  Pacific  coast  companies  have  also  been  no- 
ticeably profitable  to  the  owners — the  government  having  al- 
ready paid,  above  their  assessed  valuation,  $128,770.  A  certain 
Unhed  States  Senator  is  said  to  be  heavily  interested  in  one  of 
the  companies." 

4.  And  three  years  ago  President  Scburman,  of  Cornell  Uni- 
versity, delivered  an  address  in  which  he  said :  "It  is  a  genera- 
tion which  has  no  fear  of  God  before  its  eyes ;  it  fears  no  hell ; 
it  fears  nothing  but  the  criminal  court,  the  penitentiary  and  the 
scaffold. 

"To  'get  there'  and  not  get  caught  is  its  only  Golden  Rule. 
To  'get  rich  quick'  the  financiers  of  this  age  will  rob  the  widow 
and  the  orphans,  grind  the  faces  of  the  poor,  speculate  in  trust 
funds,  and  purchase  immunity  by  using  other  people's  money  to 
bribe  legislators,  judges  and  magistrates." 

The  revolting  picture  here  presented,  let  it  be  remembered,  is 
of  conditions  in  the  Northern  States,  where  the  nw  standard  of 
right  was  adopted  forty-eight  years  ago,  and  it. is  difficult  for 
Southerners  who  have  fought  manfully  against  the  introduction 
of  the  new  divinities  into  the  "Solid  South,"  to  realize  the 
shameful  depravity  here  revealed ;  and  it  must  seem  to  well-in- 
formed people  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  age  that  any  Southern 
man  who  feels  a  glow  of  pride  in  the  sturdy  virtues  of  his 
people,  is  willing  to  submit  quietly  to  the  invasion  of  his  State 
by  the  destructive  influences  here  disclosed. 

Note. — What  is  said  of  Messrs.  Fremont  and  Blaine  was 
found  in  "Civil  War  Echoes :  Character  Sketches  and  State  Se- 
crets", a  work  written  by  Hamilton  Gay  Howard,  a  son'  of  the 
author  of  the  thirteenth  amendment,  and  a  kinsman  of  Presi- 
dent Taft. 


Photomount 

Pamphlet 

Binder 

Gaylord  Bros.,  Inc. 

Makers 
Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

PAT.  JAN  21,  1908 


UNIVERSITY  OF  N.C.  AT  CHAPEL  HILL 


00032721537 

FOR  USE  ONLY  IN 
THE  NORTH  CAROLINA  COLLECTION 


